Rural Development Advocates (RDA)

A Critical Look into the Government’s Hybrid Rice Commercialization Programme (HRCP)

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Wed, 20 May 2009 07:31:00 +0000

(A Briefing Paper taken from the research on “The Impact of Hybrid Rice on the National and Community Seed Systems” conducted by SEARICE and Rice Watch Action Network)

1. Introduction

Since 2001, the government has made the Hybrid Rice Commercialization Program (HRCP) a centerpiece in its strategy to attain rice self-sufficiency in the country. The HRCP was influenced by the success of hybrid rice technology adoption in China over the past 20 years. The Chinese plant breeder Dr,.Yuan Liong Pin who made the earliest successful hybrid crosses, is now widely regarded as the Father of hybrid rice. Today, China is said to plant more than 10 million hectares to hybrid rice.

With the HRCP, the Philippines aims to replicate China’s success by investing heavily into HR technology, including research and development, seeds production, procurement and distribution, establishment of production support facilities, and provision of subsidies and other incentives to participating farmers, among others. From an initial target of 50,000 hectares in 2002 for hybrid rice adoption, this year’s target has been set at 214,000 hectares. The program aims to cover at least 10% of the country’s prime irrigated rice area with a goal of increasing average rice production by 15% or higher per hectare.

Originally, the HRCP was set only for 2001 to 2005. However, the program has been extended to 2007. The HRCP is actually a component of the government's Ginintuang Masaganang Ani (GMA) Rice Program although it receives the largest chunk of the budget compared to inbred rice and other components. HRCP is essentially a program to provide subsidies in order to assist farmers plant rice hybrids. The main subsidy is the provision of P1,200 per 20 kg of rice seeds needed per hectare of rice land. Often, because of farmers’ resistance and lack of enthusiasm, the subsidy for seeds often go as high as P2,400.

Budget Allocation

The budget for the program started at P378 million in 2002. It leaped to more than a billion in the election year of 2004 (possibly 1.2B). The budget came down to P780 million in 2005 (still, this represents about 60% of government budget for the rice crop in terms of research and support programs). For year 2006, the proposed budget is 1.6 billion and for 2007, an election year, it is P2.5 billion.

Institutional Arrangements

The Philippine Rice Research Institute (PhilRice) was designated as the lead implementing agency for the HRCP from 2001 to 2004. PhilRice is an agency under the DA but in 2002 it was transferred to the Office of the President by virtue of Presidential Executive Order No. 76. In 2003, PhilRice reverted to DA when Pres. Arroyo issued Executive Order No. 219. The program was reportedly directly handled by Frisco Malabanan, then of PhilRice and currently GMA Rice Program Coordinator at the DA. The main activity of the program is the procurement and distribution of hybrid rice seeds. In 2004, the HRCP’s lead implementation was transferred from PhilRice to the DA. However, Mr. Malabanan was also moved from PhilRICE to the DA and continues to handle the program.

Technical Background

Rice is a self-pollinating crop, which means each seed is self-fertilized and can therefore be replanted and grown while maintaining the characteristics of the variety in the succeeding generations. With inbred rice, farmers can continually save and re-use harvested seeds, making it possible for farmers to share and exchange seeds. Even inbred varieties from the formal sector can also be saved, re-used, shared and exchanged by farmers, thus they also become part of the local seed supply system.

Hybrid rice transforms this system by introducing cytoplasmic male sterility (CMS), which is the basis for producing so-called F1 seeds. Use of CMS, originally developed from wild rice strains, is intended to produce heterosis, or hybrid vigor, in the first generation of seeds, known as the F1. Heterosis is supposed to provide yield advantage for hybrid rice over inbreds, but it also means that seed production is dependent on the continual use of CMS lines. Unlike inbreds where the seeds are fertile, CMS lines always need to be hybridized or pollinated with so-called “restorer” lines, or self-fertile varieties, in order to produce viable F1 seeds. The F1 seeds themselves, are fertile, uniform in appearance and genetically stable, being the first progenies from hybridization. However, if the harvested seeds from an F1 population (called F2) are replanted, the resulting plants will be highly segregating in character as they express the different combinations of traits from the parents. This therefore discourages any seed saving. Only the F1 seeds are economically viable.

Hence, in hybrid rice technology, seed production becomes a highly specialized and restriced activity, dependent upon continual access to and use of CMS and restorer lines. In contrast, an inbred-based seed system is able to “re-generate and sustain” itself with farmers' normal practice of saving and re-using seeds. This is not possible with hybrid seeds since seed production is limited by the nature of the technology itself and farmer’ practice of saving seeds is not a viable option. Hence, institutions or companies that control the hybrid parentals ultimately have control and monopoly over the seed supply. This puts in possible jeopardy the country’s rice seed industry as this places our seed supply vulnerable to various supply problems and susceptible potential monopolistic practices of seed companies, especially foreign multinationals who will have major control over the production of our staple. Rice being a political commodity in this country, these scenarios create possibilities of political turmoil especially in the countryside.

2. Technological Issues

China plants rice hybrids reportedly in around 10 million hectares concentrated in sub-tropical and sub-temperate zones of the country. However, hybrid rice technology has been developed in China for three decades already. In contrast, the Philippines started research on hybrid rice started much later than in Chinas and the country’s first hybrid rice varieties were released by PhilRice just ten years ago. Many Filipino and international scientists seriously doubt the maturity and usefulness of the rice hybrid technology in the Philippine context. What is even more important is that the hybrid rice technology for site-specific tropical conditions such as the Philippines is in its infancy. It is reported that 500,000 hectares of rice lands are planted to hybrids Vietnam and India. These two countries however have sub-tropical and sub-temperate zones where the relatively cold conditions allow the cultivation of rice hybrids. In fact, most rice hybrids are planted mainly in North Vietnam and during the winter months (sub-tropical zones). The only purely tropical country that plants rice hybrids is Bangladesh (and most possibly in their sub-tropical zones near the Himalayas). And because of many difficulties, Bangladesh can barely go beyond 50,000 hectares. In short, rice hybrid seeds for tropical conditions such as the Philippines should be at the research stage to address site-specific requirements and not a full-blown program.

The other technological issue with hybrid rice is on the matter of heterosis or hybrid vigor, which is touted to be the basis for hybrid rice’s yield advantage over inbred rice. As of now, there is still scientific debate with regard to heterosis in rice, especially that this crop is self-pollinated. Some scientists are of the opinion that heterosis is not possible in rice, but what actually takes place with hybridized seeds is a phenomenon called “inbreeding depression,” which happens with inbred varieties. If so, there is no scientific or practical reason to introduce the inherently tedious and expensive technology of hybridization in rice since comparable yield benefits can be attained using inbred rice varieties. Rather than invest massively in hybrid rice technology, the Philippines can possibly gain the same if not better rice productivity results, at less costs, by focusing on improving and developing more adapted inbred rice varieties for local conditions.

One scientist of IRRI who believes in hybrid rice heterosis insists, however, that hybrid rice can only achieve a maximum of 10% yield advantage over the best inbreds. His figure of 10% is much lower than the 20% - 30% yield advantage being brandished about by hybrid rice proponents in the Philippines. Taken together with the views of scientists who reject the heterosis theory, this statement shows that there remain unresolved technical and scientific issues on hybrid rice technology. Given that, it does not justify investing heavily in a technology that has not proven itself under Philippine conditions. An option would be to concentrate on research and development in hybrid rice for Philippine conditions before embarking on a massive and expensive program, assuming that R&D results will justify such undertaking.

Nevertheless, the IRRI and PhilRice in a joint paper listed several rice production constraints in the Philippines and identified the problem of “inappropriate seeds and seedling management” as constituting only 9% of the total problem, compared to insect pests and diseases (35%), inappropriate water management (26%), inappropriate fertilizer and soil management (21%), and weeds (9%). Hybrid rice is supposed to address the problem of “inappropriate seeds,” but this consists only of a much smaller proportion of the problems constraining the Philippines’ rice production. However, the HRCP has been receiving a disproportionately massive amount of budget allocation compared to the other programs. Thus, PhilRice contradicted or undermined its own assessment of the country’s rice productivity problems by prioritizing a supposed solution that addresses only smaller part of the total problem.

The massive implementation of the HRCP by the Arroyo administration even when the technology has not proven itself in Philippine conditions was clearly a political decision more than anything. The GMA program, specifically hybrid rice, became a major political platform of the President during the election campaign of 2004. The elections also coincided with the sudden jump in the budget of the HRCP and the reported number of participating farmers and seeds distributed.

3. Possible Massive Anomalies in the Implementation of the HRCP Program

There are major discrepancies in the reports about hybrid rice hectarage as shown in 4 provinces studied by SEARICE covering the years 2002 to 2004. The DA and the Provincial Agriculture Offices (PAO) in these sampled provinces (Nueva Vizcaya, Isabela, Iloilo and Davao del Sur), show an average discrepancy of around 15%. In the election year of 2004, the discrepancies rose to 32 to 41 percent. The DA tended to report higher number of hectares planted and subsidized seeds distributed.

The discrepancy between the report of PAO against that of PhilRICE is even higher, from 20 to 54 percent. In the election year, one province, Davao del Sur, the difference is more than 90 percent! PhilRICE reported far higher number of hybrid rice hectarage and subsidized seeds distribution compared to DA itself.

The discrepancy in numbers is hard to comprehend considering the massive budget allocation for the program and the sheer number of personnel from the national to local agencies that were involved in the HRCP. Either the program failed to institute an effective monitoring system (for a project that cost the government billions of pesos) or the discrepancies merely reflect underlying anomalies in the use of funds whereby higher figures were reported at the national level to justify corresponding fund releases. Nevertheless, information gathered at the local level does not support the figures reported by DA and Philrice in terms of number of hectares planted and subsidized seeds distributed. And since the discrepancies took place across provinces and over a number of years, the padding could only have been done in a deliberate and systematic manner at the national level.

The sudden jump from 132,000 hectares subsidized with hybrid seeds in 2003 to more than 380,000 hectares in the election year of 2004 is simply impossible. Much of the increase in hectarage was reported during the period before or around the May elections. In February of that year, the Department of Budget and Management (DBM) signed the release of P1.1 billion pesos “to cover the GMA Rice and Corn and Livestock Program,” which of course includes the HRCP. Said amount was disbursed to mayors, governors and congressmen. And then in March, then DAR officer-in-charge Jose Mari Ponce signed a Memorandum of Agreement with then Agriculture Sec. Cito Lorenzo to use P544 million pesos from the Marcos wealth supposedly for “seed assistance: to agrarian reform beneficiaries, again under the GMA HRCP. The amount was released on April 28, less than two weeks before the May 11, elections.

Indeed, in addition to the actual budget allocated to the HRCP, funds from other sources flowed into the program including a loan from the government of China in the amount of $200 million released in 2003 as part of the agricultural cooperation agreement. Part of that loan consisted of supply of hybrid rice seeds. Also, for 2004, the government utilized an additional $11.5 million, which was reportedly the balance from the first $100 million loan received from China in 2002. Thus, for 2004 alone, funds for the HRCP came from at least four different sources although it still needs to be clarified from DA itself how all these funds were eventually utilized. Moreover, local governments, Congress Representatives and Senators also provided their own subsidies and support funds for the local implementation of the HRCP. A COA audit report on PhilRice’s implementation of the HRCP for 2004 showed that there was a total of P43,552,728 allocated for seeds distribution that was not covered by receipts. That amount however is relatively small compared to the questionable amount involved in the discrepancies among the reports among the DA, PhilRice and PAOs. Further investigation needs to be undertaken to really find out how all the funds in the HRCP was used.

The HRCP has opened the country’s rice seed industry to private seed companies, a heretofore unknown phenomenon. These companies are developing their own hybrid rice varieties and are engaged in seed production, marketing and distribution under the HRCP. They therefore benefit from the program by having their rice varieties included in the government’s seed procurement and distribution, thus assuring them of a ready market for their seeds. Under the HRCP, the government identifies the farmer-beneficiaries who will be planting hybrid rice seeds and this master list is provided to the seed companies. The companies will produce and provide the seeds to be purchased by the government at a market price of at least P2,400 per 20 kg. bag. The government will then distribute the seeds on subsidized rates of P1,200 per bag or lower to the farmer-beneficiaries. Without the HRCP, the companies will therefore not have an assured market for their seeds, and will thus find it more difficult and economically risky to sell their seeds directly to farmers. The HRCP has absorbed the risks for them. Most of the companies, such as Monsanto, Bayer Crop Science and Syngenta, are foreign multinationals.

However, the company with the largest participation in the HRCP is SL Agritech, owned by a Filipino-Chinese conglomeration. Dr. David, in her study, raised concerns about the source of SL Agritech’s capitalization of P40 million, which she suspects came from a loan from a government bank. It is also said that SL Agritech applied for a P300 million government guaranteed loan although this application was reportedly referred for review by the National Economic Development Authority (NEDA) as ordered by then NEDA chief Romulo Neri. If allegations regarding SL Agritech’s loan portfolio from government are true then this is certainly a case where government credit is being used to capitalize a company that benefits directly from a government program. In the HRCP, SL Agritech also appears to be favored over other seed companies since it has been allocated a bigger portion of the seeds procurement program. Recently, it has been observed that in a number of provinces, Philrice’s hybrid rice varieties are being replaced by SL Agritech varieties in the distribution program.

Part of the Ginintuang Ani funds that went to hybrid seeds subsidy in the election year of 2004 included P544 million that was supposed to be implemented for agrarian reform. The amount came from recovered ill-gotten wealth of Pres. Ferdinand Marcos. Hence, HRCP realigned funds that were supposedly for such a vital program as agrarian reform. That amount could have been used to redistribute lands to tenants and landless farmers and to provide much needed support services to AR beneficiaries. The Marcos wealth funds were reportedly intended to purchase seeds to cover 453,333 hectares. However, the official report of the DA for 2004 showed that hybrid rice seeds were distributed only in 208,342 hectares.

At the provincial and municipal levels, the perks, rewards and other “rents” are pushing the distribution of subsidized hybrid seeds even in farms that are not suitable for hybrid seeds. Low-paid government technicians, enticed by the prospect of additional income from the HRCP, are aggressively promoting hybrid rice to farmers. In many areas, each technician is entitled to P100 – P200 cash incentive for every bag of hybrid rice distributed. This has resulted in hybrid rice being distributed to areas not suitable to hybrids, or given to farmers who don’t actually plant them, or to possible manufacturing of reports and lists of farmer-beneficiaries to justify the incentives provided. In the past, the government’s certified inbred seeds program was already criticized for its procurement and distribution system prone to graft and corruption. The HRCP has only worsened this problem and has deeply corrupted nearly the entire agricultural services machinery of the government. This bodes badly for future government programs in agriculture and for the country’s agricultural development as a whole.

5. The Continuing Failure of the HRCP Program

In the study done by Dr. David, the average dropout rate, that is the number of farmers no longer participating in the program after using hybrid seeds for one season, ranges from 68 to 78 percent per province! In other words, majority of participating farmers are dropping out of the program after one season only. This immediately raises the question of the viability of the program and its appropriateness to Philippine rice farmers. Despite this glaring fact, the government continued to massively and aggressively promote the HRCP, even raising the target number of hectares to be planted to hybrid rice until 2007. Based on the dropout trend, there is no basis to continue the program on a massive scale as what is being done now.

In terms of field performance as well, hybrid rice varieties have not shown significant and consistent yield advantage over inbred rice varieties across the country. The study of SEARICE showed that only in Nueva Ecija has hybrid rice performed significantly well over inbred rice, with an average yield difference of over 20%. According to scientists, the main reason for this seems to be Nueva Ecija’s agro-climatic conditions, such as good soil fertility and relatively stable climatic pattern, that are conducive to hybrid rice. In Davao del Sur, hybrid rice had a much lower yield advantage of around 11% over inbred rice. But in Isabela and Ilo-ilo province, hybrids had the same or much poorer performance than inbreds. This means that hybrid rice cannot consistently adapt well to different agro-climatic conditions across the country, and therefore does not justify promoting it massively nationwide.

However, in terms of economic returns to farmers, hybrid rice proved to be generally less profitable compared to inbred rice. Except for Nueva Ecija where hybrid rice had a slight return-on-investment advantage over inbreds (due to the former’s relatively higher productivity), in the other three areas, inbred rice production was more profitable for farmers than hybrid rice. The main reason for this is that hybrid rice inevitably cost more to produce than inbred rice. Hybrid rice farmers significantly spent more for inputs, such as fertilizers and pesticides, and labor compared to inbred rice farmers. It appears that hybrid rice yield is partly caused by greater use of fertilizers, which was exactly what farmers did when they increased their applications of fertilizers when using hybrid rice. There is also general agreement, among farmers and government technicians surveyed in the study, that hybrid rice varieties are susceptible to pests and diseases, thus requiring higher doses of pesticides.

Overall, these findings show that there is no justification for massive promotion of hybrid rice in the country given its unproven performance at the field level compared to inbreds and the poor assessment of the technology by farmers themselves as indicated by the program’s dropout rate. To allocate billions of pesos in people’s money for a technology that has fallen short of its promises to Filipino farmers can only be considered anomalous.

Conclusions

It is possible the rice hybrids under Philippine condition could be a major technology for increasing productivity and addressing rice self-sufficiency. However, the technology needs to mature and develop first appropriate to Philippine conditions if it has to acquire a nice in the country’s rice industry. The technology may not necessarily be adapted at a nationwide scale but in targeted areas where its performance can be proven. Moreover, hybrid rice promotion ought not to be done massively at the expense of research and development of inbred rice, which have shown to have comparative advantages over hybrids in a number of agro-climatic conditions across the country. By pushing an immature and unproven technology with massive subsidies, the HRCP program is destroying the possible contribution of rice hybrids in the future and undermining the further improvement of inbred rice.

The Office of the President definitely had a role to play in the implementation of the HRCP and have to be answerable to questions being raised about the program. It is questionable why PhilRice, which used to focus mainly on varietal research and development, was made to handle the HRCP procurement and distribution for four years and was placed directly under the Office of the President in the same period. The sudden increase in budgetary allocation and reported hectarage and seeds distribution happened in 2004 during an election year. The results of that election has been put under doubts after reports of vote rigging and massive use of government resources to help re-elect Pres. Arroyo have come out in the open and used in the failed impeachment proceedings. Recalling the campaign during last year’s elections, it is clear that Pres. Arroyo used the GMA Rice program bannered by hybrid rice as one of her campaign platforms to improve rural incomes and create jobs. After the elections, the Office of the President then reverted PhilRice to the supervision of DA and the HRCP was also transferred to DA.

Proposed Actions

• The government, especially the DA and PhilRice, must release all pertinent documents related to the implementation of the HRCP including the following:

a) Master-list of farmers in all provinces who received the subsidized hybrid seeds and other related support services (fertilizers, pesticides, etc.) since the start of program to present
b) Detailed and extensive financial reports on the use of HRCP funds since the start to present

• The government should release information regarding all transactions made by private seed companies under the HRCP’s seed procurement and distribution

• The government should release information regarding all transactions of SL Agritech with government financial institutions, particularly on applications for loans and government guarantees

• The Congressional hearing on the budget of the Department of Agriculture for 2006 must insist on clear and solid justification for continuing the HRCP program in light of numerous unanswered questions and failures of the program

• Four provinces have been sampled and studied by SEARICE that showed trends of program failure and possible fraud. The report of Dr. David showed the same trends. An official investigation is necessary to unearth the real story behind the implementation of the HRCP

• The government needs to review its program priorities with regard to the rice research, development and extension. Hybrid rice is a technology that has yet to prove itself under Philippine conditions, and this therefore does not justify making it the top program priority to the detriment of inbred seeds and other more appropriate technological and socio-economic solutions to the problem of declining rice productivity in the country

REFERENCES:

DA GMA Rice Program

David, Cristina . PIDS. Hybrid Rice Program , Paper presented during the Tuesday Seminar at
SEARCA, June 2005

PhilRICE Terminal Report on HRCP, 2005

Rimban, Luz . “Did Marcos Wealth and Filipino Taxpayers Bankroll the Campaign of GMA”. September 28-29, 2005. http://www.pcij.org

System of Rice Intensification (SRI Origin)

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Mon, 18 May 2009 23:46:00 +0000

The SRI methodology was synthesized in the early 1980s by Fr. Henri de Laulanié, S.J., who came to Madagascar from France in 1961 and spent the next (and last) 34 years of his life working with Malagasy farmers to improve their agricultural systems, and particularly their rice production, since rice is the staple food in Madagascar. Rice provides more than half the daily calories consumed in Madagascar, a sign of the cultural and historic significance of rice to Malagasies, but also an indication of their poverty.

Fr. de Laulanié established an agricultural school in Antsirabe in 1981 to help rural youths gain an education that was relevant to their vocations and family needs. Though SRI was "discovered" in 1983, benefiting from some serendipity, it took some years to gain confidence that these methods could consistently raise production so substantially. In 1990, Fr. de Laulanié together with a number of Malagasy colleagues established an indigenous non-governmental organization (NGO), Association Tefy Saina, to work with farmers, other NGOs, and agricultural professionals to improve production and livelihoods in Madagascar.

In 1994, Tefy Saina began working with the Cornell International Institute for Food, Agriculture and Development (CIIFAD) in Ithaca, NY, to help farmers living around Ranomafana National Park to find alternatives to their slash-and-burn agriculture. They would need to continue growing upland rice in this manner destructive to Madagascar's precious but endangered rain forest ecosystems if they could not significantly increase their yields from rice grown in the limited irrigated lowland area, about 2 tons/hectare. Farmers using SRI averaged over 8 tons/hectare during the first five years that these methods were introduced around Ranomafana. A French project for improving small-scale irrigation systems on the high plateau during this same time period also found that farmers using SRI methods averaged over 8 tons/hectare.

The name "Tefy Saina" means, in Malagasy, "to improve the mind," indicating that this organization is not concerned just with rice, but also with helping people to change and enrich their thinking. Before he died in June, 1995, Fr. de Laulanié published one article on SRI in the journal Tropicultura (13:1, 1993, Brussels). An English translation of a longer technical paper by Laulanié is available.

Since 1997, a number of other papers or articles have been written about SRI. While most interest came initially from NGO and university circles, evaluations are now coming also from national research programs and international research institutes
A biography of Fr. de Laulanié has been published in the international magazine of the Jesuit order.

Other Research papers, click here
http://ciifad.cornell.edu/sri/research.html

Climate Change Video

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System of Rice Intensification Video Gallery

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The Batangas Experience (Twogetherness of LGUs and NGOs)

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Thu, 05 Mar 2009 04:34:00 +0000

Datelined ALITAGTAG

Mainstreaming Rural Democratization and Development (RDD)

Through Local Governance: The Alitagtag, Batangas Experience

(LGU-NGO Relations)

by SAM VIGIL

Prolegomena

The beginning of the development of relations with the local government unit of Alitagtag, Batangas in May 2004 came at a time when PhilNet-RDI's Luzon unit was redirecting geographically and refocusing its development interventions. Earlier in January of 2004 during the Luzon Unit's assessment and planning, a proposition was adopted where community-strengthening work (consolidation of community partner organizations and development of PO-leader organizers) would be the focus and the domain of the KASAMA KA. The Luzon Unit on the other hand would focus on the provision of techno-support to the Pos relative to specific RDD component being implemented in a specific area. This proposition emanated from the desire to prepare the community for the eventual exit of PhilNet-RDI intervention. It consisted of eveloping and later transforming the consolidated and strengthened Pos into service organizations (empowerment) whereby developed PO leader-organizers would continue and sustain the efforts started by PhilNet-RDI. As a service organization, members on the other hand had the option to later decide whether to affiliate itself as a chapter or cluster of PhilNet-RDI.

Organizationally, a developed and functional community-based service organizations would imply the eventual closure of the Luzon Field Offices, which are by nature temporary. This proposal was subsequently adopted by the management committee and implemented, though not at the same time, in all the areas.

Overall, the decision was made in view of the realization that foreign development assistance has shifted towards the Mindanao areas and the general trend of funding agencies shift in focus areas away from the Philippines towards other countries in the region like the Mekong area in the Cambodia and Vietnam.

The Beginning of Relations

The presence of an influential ally in development within the LGU has been proven to be an effective stepping-stone for the development of good working relations. This was proven not only in Alitagtag, Batangas but in other PhilNet-RDI areas as well. The Alitagtag experience all started with an informal visit to the incumbent vice-mayor who happened to be a college colleague of one of PhilNet-RDI staff. Coming from a field visit cum consultation in one of the mango orchards in San Juan, Batangas, [1] the visiting team decided to pass by Alitagtag, Batangas on the way back to Metro Manila. The visit turned into a simple and informal "getting-to-know-you" discussion about PhilNet-RDI and its works.

With a general inkling that the good vice-mayor was tickled by PhilNet-RDI development intervention efforts, another visit was made two weeks later. The visiting team, this time with the Director for Operation, learned that the vice-mayor had mentioned to the municipal mayor about PhilNet-RDI's work and that the mayor was interested. From that time on, subsequent visits focused on possible areas of partnership work. This series of visits culminated with a formal letter of invitation from the LGU for PhilNet-RDI's presence in Alitagtag, Batangas. The last meeting held was in the residence of the mayor with the presence of the vice-mayor and other government officials from both the local executive and legislative branch of the LGU as well as the executive director of PhilNet-RDI.

In that final meeting, it was decided that PhilNet-RDI would facilitate the updating of the existing Municipal Development Plan through the simultaneous conduct of BDP-PRA in all the 19 barangays of Alitagtag, Batangas. It was also decided that each barangay would identify and provide three persons that would form part of the BRP-PRA team. Subsequently, a forum consisting of a formal presentation about PhilNet-RDI and the BDP-PRA processes was held at the Municipal Hall compound. In attendance were all municipal local executives, members of the Sangguniang Bayan, and the Barangay captains of the 19 barangays.

The Preparations and Conduct of the BDP-PRA

A few days upon the return form that last meeting, the executive director formed and called a meeting of an ad-hoc group [2] to brainstorm, strategize, and plan for the conduct of the BDP-PRA. This would be first time in the history of PhilNet-RDI where BDP-PRA would be conducted in such a number of barangays (19 in all). Decisions had to be made with regards to the manpower requirement given the limited number of PhilNet-RDI staff. It was also time to decide which of the many BDP-PRA tools [3] would be actually used.

To prepare, a two-day training was conducted on the BDP-PRA process and on the various tools to be utilized. In attendance included PhilNet-RDI staff and student-volunteers from the PUP-Department of Sociology who would undergo fieldwork under PhilNet-RDI tutelage. No Representatives from Alitagtag, Batangas arrived though.

At the end of the training, three PRA teams were formed. Each team, headed by a Team Coordinator would cover a pre-defined number of barangays clustered according to geographical proximity (East, West, and the Lakeshore barangays). Each team had also to subdivide into sub-teams to focus on one particular barangay.

Seven full days were allotted to finish the entire BDP-PRA processes. During the seven days we were in Alitagtag, municipal and barangay officials actively monitored and participated in the activities being conducted.

During the morning of the first day, the whole team joined municipal officials and other personnel from various departments and units of the municipality of Alitagtag in the flag raising ceremony. The municipal mayor informed the assembly of the activities to be conducted for the next seven days, after which the director for Luzon operations briefly discussed the nature and objectives of the BDP-PRA processes that would be conducted.

The kick-off activity of the actual BDP-PRA processes was a general orientation among all the barangay participants held at the municipal hall auditorium. Present also were heads of the various municipal units. PhilNet-RDI staff alternately discussed in details the course description, the process to be conducted, expected outputs, methodologies, and tools to be used.

Before lunch, each sub-team together with barangay participants proceeded to their respective barangays and started the "head-aching" activities. Before each participants' workshop, the particular BDP-PRA tool to be used was discussed in detail and after the workshop, reporting was conducted. At the end of each day, cluster coordinators met or consult through cellular phone as to the problems that transpired during the whole day and discuss adjustments before the next day activities.

The last day was devoted to the formulation of each barangay's 2005 Annual Operational and Investment plans and culminated the day with a Barangay Assembly that approved and ratified the formulated plans.

The Aftermath

Results of the PRA processes, particularly the problems and objectives identified were summarized and consolidated. Later, this was presented to a team [4] constituted by local executives. Subsequently, barangay projects identified during the PRA processes to address identified problems were incorporated into the existing Municipal Development Plan as updates. The Sangguniang Bayan on the other hand committed to provide an initial amount of PhP 3 million pesos in the 2005 municipal budget specifically for the identified projects. Since the amount was not enough to fund all identified projects, prioritization was made.

Lessons and Insights

The process that we went through in the Alitagtag, Batangas experience was deviation from the prescribed procedures in the PhilNet-RDI Operations Manual. But it got the same expected results. Thus, it was recognized during the 2005 PhilNet-RDI annual drawing of learning's conference held in Cebu City. It was recognized as an alternative way to mainstreaming RDD. However, this particular effort necessitates the presence of one important pre-condition, that is, the presence of friendly and receptive local executives that aspire development in their area and believes in the efficacy of rural democratization and development as one way towards empowering their constituency in the municipal development processes.

The whole process is not yet through, however. Though the presence of a friendly local government official facilitated with ease the entry of PhilNet-RDI's development intervention in Alitagtag, Batangas starting with the conduct of the BDP-PRA process, a lot of work has yet to be done to complete the formation of an LGU-NGO-PO tripartite development arrangements that we all aspire for.

So the next step we are in now, through close working coordination with the KASAMA KA, is the establishment and formation of barangay people's organizations that would constitute the PO sector in the tripartite picture.#

[1] The mango orchard visit was one of the efforts of the Marketing Unit to develop partnership with possible sources of mango for its trading and marketing activities.

[2] Composed of Milo Tanchuling, Ric Pellosis, Sammy Vigil, Leo Rosario, Jess Limpin Jr. and Bong Castro.

[3] At the end of the meeting, the ah hoc group decided to limit the tools to the following: Historical Transect Map, Community Resource Map, Agri-Ecological Map, Community Services Map, LTI matrix, Seasonal Livelihood Calendar, Human Resource Inventory Map, Rapid Market Assessment (Product-Consumers-Suppliers Matrices), Daily Activity Clock, Problem Tree, Objective Tree, Logical Framework, SWOT, and Stakeholders Analysis.

[4] The team consists of the officers of and representatives from the municipal planning and development office, municipal health office, municipal engineering office, municipal agrarian reform office, municipal budget office, municipal agriculture office, the municipal administrator, and the secretary of the Sangguniang Bayan.

Mainstreaming DRR into Local Economy Development

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Wed, 25 Feb 2009 03:44:00 +0000

Visayas Unity Conference on Disaster Risk Reduction
Ramon Kahulugan
June 2008

Definition of terms

MAINSTREAMING

This word obviously derives from the metaphor of a small, isolated flow of water being drawn into the mainstream of a river where it will expand to flow smoothly without loss or diversion.

Therefore ‘mainstreaming risk reduction’ describes a process to fully incorporate disaster risk reduction into development policies, programs and practice. It means radically expanding and enhancing disaster risk reduction so that it becomes normal practice, fully institutionalized within a development agenda.

DISASTER RISK REDUCTION

Technical, social or economic actions or measures used to reduce direct, indirect and intangible disaster losses. The expression ‘disaster risk reduction’ is now widely used as a term that encompasses the two aspects of a disaster reduction strategy: ‘mitigation’ and ‘preparedness’.

Mitigation as the measures that can be undertaken to minimize the destructive and disruptive effects of hazards and thus lessen the magnitude of a disaster.

Preparedness as all measures undertaken to ensure the readiness and ability of a society to forecast and take precautionary measures in advance of imminent threat, and respond and cope with the effects of a disaster by organizing and delivering timely and effective rescue, relief and other post-disaster assistance.

VULNERABILITY

The conditions determined by physical, social, economic, political and environmental factors or processes, which increase the susceptibility of a community to the impact of hazards.

Outline

1. Framework and concept of LED
2. Mainstreaming Disaster Risk Reduction into Local Economy Development

Rationale
What is mainstreaming
Mainstreaming in thematic areas
Two Approaches in mainstreaming

3. Making Disaster-Proof Local Economic Development Plan (Integrating DRR into LED Planning)

Framework and concept of LED

Main Features:

The purpose of local economic development (LED) is to build up the economic capacity of a local area to improve its economic future and the quality of life for all.

It is a process by which public, business and non-governmental sector partners work collectively to create better conditions for economic growth and employment generation.

The five-stage approach :

Organizing the Effort
Conducting the Local Economy Assessment,
Developing the LED Strategy,
Implementing the LED Strategy and
Reviewing the LED Strategy.
an approach for development
pooling all the stakeholders ( government, civil society and business)

2. Mainstreaming Disaster Risk Reduction into Local Economy Development

Rationale

- Disasters have an enormous impact on development -- the process of development, and the kind of development choices made, sometimes creates disaster risks.

- Disasters are rooted in development failure. Disasters do not just happen – to a large extent, they result from failures of development which increase vulnerability to hazard events.

- Development processes may increase exposure or susceptibility to hazard

Increased exposure can result from global level climate change exacerbating extreme weather events.
local level destruction of mangrove stands which protect coasts from tidal storm surges to make way for shrimp farms.
Rapid urban growth may increase exposure to landslides, earthquakes or fires.
Increased susceptibility results from development measures which erode capacity to cope with and recover from hazard impacts.

Thus development activity and DRR representing two sides of the same coin needs to be dealt with in unison, mainstreaming DRR into development planning, policy and implementation.

What is Mainstreaming of DRR

Integrating DRR in strategies, planning and implementation
Crafting policies promoting DRR
Practical DRR components in all project and plans
Specific DRR expert individual and units active and effective
Budget lines for DRR integration
Making communities resilient and safer before disaster strike
Prudent public governance

Mainstreaming Disaster Risk Reduction in the following thematic areas:

Education/Trainings

Introducing DRR modules into the school curriculum;
Promoting hazard resilient construction of new schools;
Introducing features into schools for their use as emergency shelters;

Infrastructure

Introducing Disaster Risk Impact Assessments into the construction of new roads and bridges;

Promoting the use of hazard risk information in land use planning

Agriculture

Promoting programs of sustainable agriculture ; contingency crop planning; crop diversification;
Supplementary income generation from off-farm and non-farm activities;
Effective insurance and credit schemes to compensate for crop damage and loss to
ivelihood;

Housing

Promoting the increased use of hazard-resilient designs in rural housing in hazard prone areas;

3. Two approaches to initiate mainstreaming of DRR

into vision, mission and goals of our institution
and into specific projects and different component of our rural development work (advocacy, sustainable agriculture, enterprise development, etc)

overall objectives are: to increase awareness, political support and enhance capacit

The first approach emphasizes on integration of DRR into our institutional mandate and the second is to integrate into our local economic development efforts and initiative.
All these processes are essentially aimed to reduce risks and increase the socio economic resilience of the nation.

General Thrust and Concerns

Good governance for disaster reduction
adequate space for the participation of different stakeholders, including vulnerable communities, state, civil society, volunteers, organisations and other development partners.
enabling people to cope with risks and prevent them from becoming part of the disasters themselves.

Making ‘disaster proof’ Local Economic Development Plans

Integration into LED Strategies

Empowerment and tripartite participation
economic activity dependent on the specific economic conditions, hazards and vulnerability and comparative advantages of a defined territory
generate sustainable employment in firms more capable to withstand changes in the global economic environment and climate change.
contribute to a general improvement in the quality of life as a result of the involvement of local stakeholders and of the resiliency of the community.

System of Rice Intensification (SRI) Instructional and Presentation Materials

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Sun, 22 Feb 2009 06:10:00 +0000

Manuals and practical brochures
• ENGLISH:

1) How to Help Rice Plants to Grow Better and Produce More: Teach Yourself and Others, the original SRI manual, has been developed jointly by CIIFAD and Tefy Saina to explain SRI to persons working with farmers to communicate the main ideas underlying SRI. (pdf, 175 KB)

2) Philippines: An 8-page manual, More Rice with Less Water through SRI, has been translated into English by Dr. Pam Fernandez at the Univeristy of the Philippines at Los Banos. (pdf, 143 KB)

3) Philippines: SRI - Achieving More with Less: A New Way of Rice Cultivation, a multimedia toolkit

4) India: The Kadiramangalam System of Rice Intensification methodology, developed by S. Gopal and used in the Cauvery Delta region of Tamil Nadu, is described in a single page.

5) India: This 14-page manual entitled "SRI: A Revolutionary Method of Rice Cultivation" was put together by the Director of Extension and senior scientists at the Acharya N.G. Ranga Agricultural University in Hyderabad, India. (pdf, 817 KB)

6) India: A 20-page English translation of the manual "System of Rice Intensification: An Emerging Alternative" was produced in Andhra Pradesh by the Indian NGOs Watershed Support Services and Activities Network (WASSAN) and the Centre for Sustainable Agriculture (CSA) with support from the World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF)

7) India: SRI Method of Paddy Cultivaton, a 20 page manual published by WASSAN (with input from K. Rao, WWF, ICRISAT, CRISP, J.Raju, ANGRAU, Sitaramaswamy, and the People's Science Institute. (also available in Hindi, Oriya and Telugu versions).

8) India: Weeders: A Reference Compendium. WASSAN, 28 p

9) India: SRI Basics. Online info on IKISAN, an India-based internet agri-portal.

10) India: SRI in Large Irrigation Projects in Andhra Pradesh, India (online booklet that details the System of Rice Intensification (SRI) method of paddy cultivation carried out by JalaSpandana in Rajolibanda Diversion Scheme, Priyadharshini Jurala Project and Kurnool Cuddapah Canal in Krishna Basin in Andhra Pradesh). Jalaspandana org. website.

11) Nepal: This 16-page manual entitled "What is S.R.I.?" was produced by the SRI Group-Nepal (sri-nepal@yahoogroups.com) an alliance of NGOs and individuals working on various aspects of SRI in Nepal. (pdf, 749 KB)

12) Bhutan: System of Rice Intensification (SRI) Method of Rice Cultivation: How to Produce More Rice with Less Inputs. a 2008 field extension manual prepared by Karma Lhendup, Sherubtse College, Royal University of Bhutan (pdf, 253KB)

13) Zambia: Operationalizing the System of Rice Intensificaion (SRI). Revised (01/07) from earlier manual/guide for explaining and undertaking SRI, updated with reference to Zambia (pdf)

• FRENCH: Comment Faire pour Avoir des Plants de Riz Qui Croissent Mieux et Qui Produisent plus Informez--Vous et Informez les Autres, a 20-pagemanual developed by Tefy Saina, incorporates detailed knowledge of SRI. (pdf, 230 KB)

• INDONESIAN:
Augustina, P., et al. Menembus Batas Kebuntuan Produksi: Cara SRI dalam budidaya padi. VECO Indonesia, Denpasar, Bali. 10p. (pdf)

• SPANISH:

1) Cuba: 3-page manual on SRI, Sistema Intensivo de Cultivo Arrocera, SICA #1 (pdf 21 KB), based on materials from CIIFAD and Tefy Saina, developed by Dr. Rena Perez for use in Cuba. Additional information is in SICA #2 (pdf, 38 KB)

2) Peru: A 6-page manual on SRI, El Sistema de Intensificación del Cultivo Arrocero (SICA), was developed by the NGO Asociación Promoción y Desarrollo Agario (Pro-A) in Chiclayo, Peru, together with the Asociación Productores de Arroz Ramadino in (pdf, 864 KB).

•THAI: A Thai SRI manual was authored by The Agricultural Extension Unit at the McKean Rehabilitation Center in Chanig Mai, Thailand, authored this manual. (A separate English language introduction (pdf, 252 pdf) to the Thai version as well as the Thai version with an English title and author page are also available on the Web). (pdf, 446 KB)

•TAMIL: A 32-page Tamil Language manual for farmers was produced during 2008 by the NGO Ecoventure, who is promoting of SRI in the districts of Tamilnadu and Pondicherry. (pdf, 1.82 MB)

Passing the Gifts, a rural development efforts

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Fri, 20 Feb 2009 17:50:00 +0000

The Challenge

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Mon, 16 Feb 2009 05:56:00 +0000

Flowering plants, like those of Nang Celia’s rice, produce new seeds and make new plants. Under right environmental condition, this new plant begins its new life. This new plant must find plenty of space, good soil and enough sunshine so that it will now stop growing until it will in turn produce new plants and flowers.
Four years had passed since BftW and NIRD, as parent plant, first sow the seed of development in Canlaon; new plants have grown and they are in different stages of development; most are in their flowering stage, others are bearing fruits, while others the seeds are ripening.

There may be many more Jocelyns, Samies, Tay Idols, Nang Celias and SFAWMULCOs in Canlaon who have reached different levels of development and satisfaction. Jocelyn on her part is positive she could be in Nang Celia’s shoes in two or three years. Jocelyn prays Nonoy’s case will soon be finally resolved so that she can start turning into another chapter of her life towards achieving a better quality of life for her family.

Feedbacks shared by some partners through their “I feel” letters to NIRD substantiate their assessment characterizing the partners’ level of development in the “flowering” stage. Nonoy may not have lived longer to see the plant he helped sow but he must have smelled the scent of the blooming flowers from where he is now.
In the future when the seeds are ripe, they must leave the parent plants to find their own growth and development. For the meantime, let us make a thousand flowers bloom so that from them a thousand more seeds are produced and a thousand new plants are grown in due time.

THE NEAR PAST

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Mon, 16 Feb 2009 05:54:00 +0000

The period 1999 – 2001 was filled with bittersweet memories. On the lighter side, this was the period when most of the ARBs’ land battles were won. ARBs’ physical installation ensued one after the other in over 10 sugar estates. This can be attributed to the continuous consciousness building and up-skilling efforts that strengthened partners’ capabilities to undertake planned activities. This euphoric experience was momentary. Almost all the re-distributed landholdings were forcibly re-possessed by the landowners who hired armed groups (also farmworkers) to fight against their families, friends and neighbors. Basically, these were second-generation problems that cropped up during the post-installation period.

Topping the problems then were continued violence and harassment; lack of capital and other inputs to make the newly acquired lands productive; reduced and unstable income because the ARBs, as new landowner-cultivators, are no longer receiving weekly wages they were used to when they were yet farmworkers. The ARBs became easy prey to unscrupulous local businesspersons and traders, subjecting subsistent farmers to varying degrees of exploitation in the form of super-profits extracted in production and marketing operations, which buried the ARBs in deep indebtedness. Cooperative members were demoralized because their leaders were harassed one by one, civil and agrarian court battles began. The most disastrous blow on the leadership bodies was the murder of Neonito S. Ordaniel, former chairperson of SFAWMULCO (San Francisco Agricultural Workers’ Multi-Purpose Cooperative) on November 26, 1999.

A particular case in point is the life story of Jocelyn dela Cruz-Ordaniel, the 43-year old widow of Neonito Ordaniel. Jocelyn met Neonito 19 years ago. Nonoy, as Neonito was fondly called by friends and relatives belonged to a middle class family of professionals in FB Magalona, Negros Occidental. In college, he studied in the Franciscan Seminary for two years but dropped out of the seminary in favor of farming, gaining the ire of his family. Consequently, Nonoy was disowned and stripped of his birthright, which prompted him to stow away and settled in Canlaon.

Jocelyn bore Nonoy four children, two boys and two girls. Jocelyn revealed that their life together was without discomfort. Theirs was a hand-to-mouth existence. Nonoy would work away each early morning hours in a ricefarm leased to him by a friend, reports to work as an overseer of the Lacson Sugarcane Plantation for the whole day, then back to his ricefarm late in the afternoon.

Jocelyn gave Nonoy her all-out support. When the ARBs were organized in 1997, Nonoy emerged as the leader and was trained in leadership and organizational management. Nonoy was one of the first leaders who benefited from NIRD’s capability-building program, who in turn produced other leaders. During his term, Nonoy campaigned for the immediate installation of 86 ARBs who were then ready for the long-awaited installation into the 208-hectare Lacson landholdings, earlier awarded to them. Nonoy successfully led the land struggle of SFAWMULCO to its initial physical takeover in September 1998, lost his job and earned the fury of the Lacson family.
Photograph taken during the vigil held in the SFAWMULCO Training Center as Nonoy’s children Jeneva then aged 3, Neonito III aged 10, Nellyn aged 8, and Jan Rey aged 6 stood beside his body in state.

The CO’s jubilation over the successful physical takeover of the Lacson landholdings was short-lived. Lacson took back the land by force. Bladed-welding cane guards harassed the ARBs day and night. Not contented with the land they took, the cane guards took Nonoy’s life as well.

On November 26, 1999, Nonoy was treacherously hacked to death a hundred meters away from his hut allegedly by Lacson’s cane guards. He sustained 18 stab wounds from a long double-edged bladed weapon locally called “samurai” (adapted from the weapons used by the hereditary warriors in feudal Japan), which left Nonoy’s dead body nearly decapitated, his arms and legs almost dismembered.
Jocelyn and two of her children, Jeneva and Nellyn pose in front of their house.
For security reasons, a few days after Nonoy’s burial, Jocelyn and the children abandoned their dilapidated hut to live in their new home, which SFAWMULCO helped them build.

Through the support of Catalino “Tay Idol” Vigafria, Jr., President of the CLOA (Certificate of Land Ownership Award), Samuel “Samie” Castillon took over the leadership from where Nonoy had left. On December 14, 2001, the DAR formally installed the 86 ARB members of SFAWMULCO into the Lacson landholdings. During the thanksgiving mass and belated commemoration of Nonoy’s second death anniversary, Jocelyn was teary-eyed when the leaders paid tribute to Nonoy, the leader who gave up his life in the service of his fellow-farmworkers.

Life must go on………….

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Mon, 16 Feb 2009 05:44:00 +0000

“Life must go on, even if each day takes me doubly hard as a single parent . I have resolved to work hard for my children who are my inspiration,” Declares Jocelyn, who now earns a living as a farmworker in the collective sugarcane farm owned and managed by SFAWMULCO. She raises a few heads of chicken and grows vegetables in her backyard for consumption. However, the slow pace of meting justice to Nonoy and scores of farmer-leaders still languishing in jails throughout Negros Oriental, depresses Jocelyn and SFAWMULCO and NOFARBO (Negros Oriental Federation of Agrarian Reform Beneficiaries’ Organizations) who have exhausted their resources in search for truth and justice. Through the assistance of NIRD, NOFARBO launched the Nonoy Foundation established to organize and aid displaced families of victims of social and agrarian injustice. NIRD, NOFARBO and SFAWMULCO (an affiliate of NOFARBO) are shelling out financial and material resources to support litigation of cases filed in civil and agrarian courts.

Jocelyn, Tangtang and Nellyn admitted that they are still nursing the emotional and psychological wounds they have sustained because of Nonoy’s disastrous death, which have affected and displaced their family. She remembered Nonoy’s dreams about the future of their children “that no matter what happens, let the children go to school.” The children are in school. Neonito III or “Tangtang,” now 14 years old is a student in one of the secondary schools in Dumaguete City. Ms. Rosemarie Gonzales, NIRD’s Advocacy and Network Officer supports Tangtang to school and serves as his guardian.

Diversified farming system where rice (in terraces) is integrated with vegetables (legumes) and inland fishery (fresh water fish).

SFAWMULCO optimizes the utilization of the 208-hectare land awarded to them, improving local knowledge and practices and combining them with sustainable agricultural technologies they learned both from NIRD and farmer-cooperators. SFAWMULCO is selective in accessing and using external resources, owing to the previous experiences of rice and vegetable growers who lost their lands due to their inability to repay the loans provided for petro-chemical fertilizers, pesticides and other external inputs.

Samie’s organic vegetable garden and banana plants in the background. LEISA for his sugarcane farm, with sprinkling water hose used during warm and sunny months of January and February 2003.

Cecilia “ Nang Celia” Oberio, a 48-year old rice farmer in Angas, Barangay Mabigo wrote NIRD about her experience as Masipag Rice Technology (MRT) practitioner and what MRT did to her life as a rice farmer. Like Jocelyn, she raised her children as a single parent. Her first husband died of lingering ailment. She took over the less than a hectare rice farm left uncultivated by her late husband. She was not able to send her children beyond elementary school because income from their farm is barely enough for food consumption. Nang Celia would get menial jobs serving the landowners and local businesspersons in Canlaon, just so she could buy dried fish, salt and medicine for her malnourished children. When the children grew old enough to live on their own, Nang Celia remarried and bore another child who is now nine years old.
In 1999, Nang Celia acquired two hectares as CARP beneficiary. She and her husband pursued rice farming by adapting MRT. “Income from production increased little by little each year, while production co st went down proportionately. We saved whatever amount we could. Last 2001 when we had surplus income, we bought ourselves a carabao. We are about to finish another project, a new house. I owe these to MRT”
Nang Celia’s old house (left) and new house (right) under construction.

Nang Celia’s rice field is flowering now. She expects a bigger harvest so that she can finish the construction of her new house. She hopes that by the end of second cropping this year her family may be able to occupy their new house.

La Esa, the entrepreneur

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Mon, 16 Feb 2009 05:39:00 +0000

The words of Mahatma Gandhi that say…

"Each night, when I go to sleep, I die. And the next morning, when I wake up, I am reborn," After all, life does not end at sunset. Every dawn promises a new life.

Like many other heads of poor farming households in Canlaon, La Esa as a staunch Sustainable Agriculture (SusAg) advocate, practitioner and development partner of NIRD since 1997, had always dreamed of becoming a farmer-entrepreneur. She was almost there. A few years before Domingo went ill, they had expanded their rice farm as well as their animal stock, acquired a mobile gas-driven rice thresher and a small rice mill. Business then briskly picked up for the duo – hardworker La Esa and risktaker Domingo, who was a selfmade auto-mechanic.

As rapidly as their business boomed, so was its slump. Draft animals and other animal stocks were sold first; leased 3,000 square meters of her rice land for PhP25,0000, which is not redeemed until now; crops were already paid for before they were harvested; all these were never enough to pay for the treatment of Domingo's illness.

"I welcomed Domingo's death. To me it meant relief, relief from sleepless nights of keeping watch over a 'living dead' only a mother could sustain… Ahh! a relief from the intense pain in my heart each time he begged to be touched when cancer pains ate him."

"Finally, on the fifth dawn of June he was gone. I watched him breathe laboriously… in and out… in and out… his chest moving up and down… up and down. I got to kiss him goodbye and he just stopped breathing… he went serenely." La Esa began to cry, shook her head… looked up… quickly dried her tears, then she went on:
"It was best for Domingo to have died and have been buried peacefully now; but me?... that time?... Yeah.. I was alive, but I felt I was buried, too... buried deep in debt," as La Esa spoke, she positioned her right hand in front of her throat as if slashing it, which was a gesture that could also mean death. True enough, La Esa risked everything on an obligation to business persons and institutions for money, goods and services. When Domingo died, he left behind a little short of half-a-million-peso payables.
She was flat broke.

IN CANLAON, when it rains, it pours. It could go on for days. One rainy morning in early August of 2002, two months after Domingo's death, La Esa came to the NIRD Training Center for a two-day Orientation on Tigum Apod Rotating Fund (TARF), a micro-credit project , which operates on a donated capital from Bread for the World, entrusted to NIRD as a revolving or rotating fund facility made readily available to deserving productive, enterprising and credit-worthy poor.

La Esa was soaking wet, her clothes awkwardly clung to her frail body; her whole body shaking, teeth chattering, when she came for TARF's Day One activity.
How she aged so fast!

La Esa belongs to Batch Three in the roster of TARF's Continuous Education and Training (CET) graduates. CET is a partial requirement before a prospective borrower can avail either one of the loan packages of TARF, Agricultural Productivity Loan (APL) or Enterprise Development Loan (EDL).

While Rob, one of TARF's account officers, was busy welcoming every participant who came to register for the CET that day, which registration must be personalized, every now and then, he would coach assigned local community organizers (LCOs) and volunteers who assisted each of the participants in filling up the registration form so that most of the information NIRD wants to gather through this initial social investigation process is more or less complete.

While waiting for the rest of the participants to come in, informal exchange of ideas ensued among those who have finished with the registration process.
"We are very poor, how can we become borrowers of TARF? In other words, do we qualify," asked La Esa.

"But why go through CET?," butted one of La Esa's batch mates.
"We have been NIRD's partners since 1996, don't you trust us yet?"
"When can we borrow?"
"How much can we borrow?"
"Do we pay interest?"
"How much interest does NIRD offer?"

"Under what term?," inquired the others almost simultaneously. There was no answer.
With no intention to offend them, Vani, TARF account officer incharge with this batch, held his hands up as though he was forced to surrender; then he plugged the electric cords onto the outlet and switched on the laptop and the multi-media projector to start off with the training session.
"By deserving poor," Vani began as NIRD defines it, "is measured in terms of instability in income brought about by high production cost, low production yield… hmm… threatened sustainability of production resources, all of which may render us vulnerable to all forms of exploitation and injustices."
As SOP, there was those usual participants' expectation check and the formal introduction of the project staff. Vani started introducing the team responsible for the success or failure of TARF: from Mico, as the Program Manager, to Patpat, Cashier; Heide, Bookkeeper; and four accounts officers Rob, Tatay Ed, Aldrin and himself.

Afterwards, Vani introduced the objective of the training, content or topics to be discussed and its schedule of activities. Then, Vani introduced the CET module that included NIRD's history, its existing programs and rural development framework; Basic Gender Orientation (BAGO); Orientation on Household-Based Organizing (HBO); Values on Saving-under "Silingan Ko Tulubagon Ko" (SKTK) which literally mean "My neighbor, My responsibility" Movement; and the Review of Sustainable Agriculture Concepts, all of which are done so that every participant will level off on important concepts which are inter-related to the TARF project. The CET focuses on the nature and scope of the micro-credit program, its technologies, its savings and credit policies and its loan procedures.

The workshop on Socio-Economic Environment Scanning widened participants' eyes and minds as Rob discussed on the control of non-Canlaon trader-financiers-and-local-capitalists tandem in practically controlling the poor farmers' lives from womb to tomb inasmuch as they control production, processing and marketing activities in Canlaon. These productive enterprising and creditworthy poor households who are vulnerable to exploitation of unscrupulous traders and financiers are the target of TARF. This micro-credit program, which in 1999 started as a savings and credit support program for sustainable agriculture, underwent twists and turns specially during its inception period.

While on test run, it took NIRD four years to plan, adjust, package, replan and repackage the TARF project proposal before it earned the funding support of Bread for the World. It started its operation in mid-2003 aimed at emancipating the poor farmers and local entrepreneurs from the debt trap and clutches of the few but powerful usurers in Canlaon.

"Debt web," as Vani puts it, who is himself a pure Canlaon-bred, or it could be death web, or that wave - who cares about phonetics? This is distinctly Visayan.
"Again, I asked… do I qualify as a borrower," ventured La Esa, taken more as a statement seeking reassurance rather than a question.

Touching his bulging belly, Rob emphatically spoke as he answered, "Of course, you more than deserve to be TARF borrowers because you are not just Sustainable Agriculture advocates, you are consistent Sus Ag practitioners."
"And," Rob added, "do you know that NIRD designed TARF after an olden indigenous practice of the marginalized rural poor? Culturally, as rural poor savers, our savings are mostly expressed in the form of physical assets. We may have shown less sensitivity to financial interest or economic returns but we are more keen and responsive to social and non-economic returns."

In a pensive mood, La Esa slightly nodded her head in silent affirmation as she was reminded of the idea that TARF wants to disprove the myth that rural poor people do not have a significant capacity to save.
"The Silingan Ko Tulubagon Ko or SKTK bridges the gap between the poor savers and their cultural values," said Tatay Ed, who started his engagement with TARF as Savers' Organizer. "Through TARF," he pointed out, "NIRD hopes that their development partners will see the practical wisdom inherent in every Filipino's cultural or indigenous tradition reflected in every Negrense's values. We hope that as we work together, we will be able to preserve our individual saver's identity and thus, persevere in articulating the significance and positiveness of the Filipino values relative to savings and how these operate in our lives…"

But as soon as Tatay Ed paused to take a deep breath, La Esa and two other participants, knowing about Tatay Ed's theology background at the Silliman University Divinity School, jokingly echoed "Amen" quickly altogether.
Laughter roared that broke the silence akin to the church's atmosphere that made the group relaxed.

"Based on your experience and knowledge," Tatay stressd, "what do you mean by the word saving?" After the sharing and exchanges of opinions, a unified meaning based on the participants' own experiences and understanding was summarized as: "Saving all life forms."
A participant was asked to read the summary statements written on the board.
"Saving means rescuing or unchaining the poor from all forms of injustices and exploitation;"

"It also means reserving, preserving and sustaining all life forms taking into account the air, land, water and human resources which have to be properly utilized, efficiently managed and diligently nurtured;"
On another light, "it means keeping secured or protected from poverty and hostile acts which impinge on women, men, children and elderly;"
"It means environmental security;"

Lastly, "it means storing-up or setting aside resources for future use or fall back on in time of dire needs to pursue life with dignity."
After every reading of these phrases or statements, the participants responded with overwhelming "Amen," each time the mantra becomes more resounding as though the act was motivated by conscientious and undesigning acceptance.
The reading continued: "It is vital for us… that we become aware of these values in order to optimally manage our heart, mind and body as savers' and to this last statement." Everyone applauded like they never did before.

By the end of the day, La Esa was one of the two participants, who were asked to wrap up on the day's activity, the other one being 'Tay Juan. La Esa started by expressing her gratitude to NIRD for the invitation and opportunity to learn about TARF, then continued to express and emphasize "that on account of God's creation and stewardship, each human creation has a saver's responsibility and accountability towards his or her neighbors and environment in ensuring that poverty is properly and decisively addressed."

La Esa paused to clear some obstructions from her throat and carried on with more force as she expressed, "As far as I have understood from the day's discussion, I am sorry… I can only comprehend so much… The role and value of savings is very important in bridging the widening gap between the rich and the poor, the oppressor and oppressed, as well as the unequal power relations between sexes and ages," with genuine feelings in straightforward manner.
The day closed with the symbolic burning of the participants' shortcomings relative to stewardship of God's creation written on a piece of paper, culminating in a prayer-ritual which ended up on offering their lives in a symbol of life-giving commitment and renewal of stewardship commitment.
Everybody was in businesslike mood on the second day of the training. The subjects were about HBO and TARF's Credit Management. Vani started the day's session by giving a short input on household-based organizing or HBO.
"HBO is a three-pronged approach used by NIRD in organizing households in all its programs and services. One prong is directed towards expansion and consolidation work; another as an approach to gender mainstreaming; and the other is used as a monitoring mechanism; these three interface within a household as target for solid organizing work."

"Overall experiences in the implementation of projects even before TARF have shown us that the HBO facilitated the project staff's direct interaction with needy households. Based on my personal experience HBO helped me get a closer look and more objective understanding of factors hindering people's development and validated the information I received on the results the program was making on."
"Moreover, HBO provided a space for both the staff and target partners to reflect on the development of concepts, values and technologies promoted by NIRD through its participatory learning and action method."
"How is saving related to HBO or how does saving find its place at the household level?" asked 'Tay Juan.

"Can I respond to that?," requested Rob, as he raised his right hand to be acknowledged. "The concept of saving, based on the result of our environmental scan yesterday, for example, did not only bring about the realization that wealth is within our reach." Rob paused as if he was waiting for a reaction from the participants. There being none, he went on, "If we use our resources wisely, we help not only our own family but other families and households, as well. Then we also realize that without natural resources, our livelihood, farm production and enterprises cannot flourish"

"So you mean that TARF's saving concept is not a mere economic concept but it also inculcates the value of caring for environment? For production resources?" 'Tay Juan stated more of a remark than a question.

"Sus… Bro Juan," brother as La Esa calls Juan, "how soon you forget?" said in an apologetic manner. "We discussed this yesterday didn't we… remember?" commented La Esa, who is herself a 'Hand Maid of the Lord', a title given by the Couples for Christ Movement to widow-members in recognition of her outstanding contribution to the religious movement.
"This… I want to be clarified about," standing up, with hair pin stuck between her upper and lower front teeth, La Esa ran her fingers through to comb her hair as she teeter-talked… "Why does NIRD focus on the family or households and not on the cooperatives or the whole community?," queried La Esa.
"Heee… haw…because we want you to find a husband! … so your grandchildren will have a father figure ba.. in the family," sang the laughable antics of 'Tay Juan, words and gestures carefully said without being rude to ridicule La Esa.
In response, La Esa chortled with explosive sound.
Everybody laughed. They laughed at all the funny things that happened.
"Wow, that was a good laugh…" declared La Esa.

"And now, let us go back to where we left… let us answer La Esa's question, to restart the discussion," ran on Vani after the laughter was over.
"We know that the family is the basic unit of society. NIRD recognizes the household as the basic unit of cooperation – and also the basic unit of conflict. It is at the household level where we find the distinct character to favorably push organizing work. The norms of the community reflect the norms of the households that comprise it. Any development initiative must, therefore, start at the household."
"The effectiveness of the HBO approach was clearly demonstrated in its ability to reach all members of the family... young, adult, elderly, women and men - who felt that the continuous process of awareness raising and sustained followup by both LCOs and project staff have significantly contributed to the formation of savers groups of all ages and household clusters…"

"And also in training local entrepreneurs, Sus-ag advocates/practitioners and managers of community coops; HBO had clearly involved more people and reached more women and children compared to results in the past," rejoined Aldrin.
"Hmm … Excuse me, will you please explain how HBO works at the ground?" asked La Esa, begging to be excused first to answer a personal call of nature before her
question is answered.

This time, Rob came in to rejoin as this is his favorite subject. "After social investigation, HBO starts with the formation of triads (three to four contiguous member-households) and clusters (four or five triads). These formations helped community members to keep abreast of plans and development in their areas; improved interpersonal relationships; enabled them to acquire new ideas on farming technologies and enterprise development; and enhanced the sense of social responsibility not only towards other households but also on the entire community."
"Moreover, a characteristic of HBO which resulted in the cohesion of households to support Land Tenure Improvement and other program components, for example… is the underlying 'call' or principle it espoused in SKTK which has been effective in consolidating triads."

"Has SKTK really worked?" asked 'Nay Mayang who kept quiet long enough that all the participants looked back to trace where the voice came from.
It was Mico, who just dropped by for Vani's signature, who answered Mayang's question… "The principle worked quite well particularly in areas where triads were composed of neighbors, but where members lived apart from each other that physically blocked passage of both formal and informal communications, triads were weak and diminished their capacities to work together more effectively."
"Triads and Clusters," Mico defined, " also provided a refuge for members who felt that having a group enhanced their access to financial resources. The expectation that they can access loan from TARF was a clear incentive such that members dutifully checked up on the others to ensure that their triads were actively working."

"Beyond these material benefits, however, some members believe that their involvement in the triad and cluster was also an opportunity for them to acquire knowledge, develop skills and express their concerns towards one another, not just in practical matters but also in strengthening camaraderie and wholesome relationships."

"On the other hand," put in Rob, "HBO with all its intentions as a monitoring mechanism is still weak. Clusters are charged with the main task of monitoring the status of triads, while LCOs of monitoring the clusters. It is through them that information on various aspects of NIRD's programs and problems affecting some clusters or triads are communicated. However, they are handicapped in terms of time and resources that bar them to function their tasks well since they also need to survive."

"And they, (the LCOs)… I mean, also felt that the monitoring system to complement the work of the NIRD staff was unclear, this condition made it difficult for Cluster leaders and LCOs to assess and resolve some of the outstanding issues affecting the households," concluded Vani.
"What is TARF?," began Mico.

"TARF is a credit facility that subscribes to the credit plus approach to microfinance, although, as of the present, we can not yet be considered a microfinance institution."

"By Credit Plus Approach, we mean wholistic and empowering; it entails working for strategic support of clients in the form of social mobilization, participation, training, education, social protection, health, housing among others…"
"Credit Plus Approach aims to widen the impact of income, opportunities and empowerment… on the lives of the poor to decrease vulnerability… for example, women's empowerment, poverty alleviation and self-sustainability; where self-sustainability dialectically relates to poverty alleviation and empowerment."
"So, the purpose and emphasis of TARF, is to contribute to the increase in income and provide opportunities to the most vulnerable sectors at the household level, where women for this matter are able to access resources and make decisions on their own. This spells personal social and political empowerment, which results consequently to economic empowerment. "

The sessions in the afternoon zeroed in on the management and technical aspects of the TARF program, which included subjects on credit policies in terms of loan portfolio; credit limit; requirements in applying for the loan; loan release and collections; penalties; sanctions and disciplinary action.
"Penalties?... Sanction?... Disciplinary action?... Prison?.. .any other 'sion,' huh?," retorted Tatay Juan in his usual antics.

Everybody laughed.

"These are considered control mechanisms to safeguard or 'save' our money," explained Mico. "We only resort to these to run after delinquent borrowers."
"Of course, we follow procedures… we don't just give penalties or mete out disciplinary action… without due process."

"Joe Prasis?," asked La Esa in all honesty… "Who is he? You mean… he's the man who runs after delinquent borrowers?"
"Yes, due process," was Rob's quick answer. "This is done to give us… both TARF and borrowers… a fair deal"

"Perdi! " exclaimed Tay Juan.
Everybody laughed louder and longer to the participants hearts' content but to Rob's and La Esa's surprise.

Joe Prasis misinterpreted for due process. Fair deal mistaken for perdi, which literally means loss. Who cares?… this is what Bisayan phonetics has done for us… misunderstanding… miscommunication… yet enjoying our own phonetics.
As the CET went smoothly to its conclusion, most importantly, La Esa, who only has grade IV education, was pleased that TARF's borrowing procedure is simple and easy to understand; and the payment scheme is easy, requiring borrowers to only set aside small amount of money everyday to give to the collector.
"It is just a matter of self-discipline," declared La Esa; although the lola a practising Sus-Ag farmer very much prefers the four to six months term, that is, to pay her APL, including the 5 percent monthly interest, in lump sum after harvest.
On the other hand, EDL borrowers with 4 percent monthly interest have the option to daily, weekly, bi-monthly and monthly terms depending on the kind of enterprise and the amount borrowed.

How time flies. Four years have passed.

STILL SITTING on a 15-year old sledge, then designed and built by the late Lolo Rufino; drawn on the ground by draft animals used to transport farm products, La Esa touched its retroflexed frame where the rope attached to the yoke used to be fastened, thinking aloud as she reflected on her life now.
In childish pride she began, "I grin at my life now. Life without Rufino, Domingo and Rowena wasn't so hard after all. And I am ready to take on 'death' again." La Esa forced a smile.

Then she becomes selfassured. "I am happier now. I have paid most of my overdue bills. I have fully paid the hospital accounts of Domingo. I have fully paid the loans I got from Monsignor. I have fully paid the debt I owe to the local variety stores for the goods I got on account four years ago. I have kept up with the regular monthly amortization of my land… Oh my.. it reminds me… I still have to redeem that portion I leased to Dong Rito."

"I need not stop saying this …'Thanks to TARF,' I felt as if the weight of a mountain on my shoulders were lifted. Only after four years ... huh?"
The organic rice farm is ripe for harvest anytime now. La Esa is hopeful she could get a bountiful harvest specially that she plans to apply for a larger loan amount for her seventh-cycle APL from TARF.

"What do you need the loan for this time?," asked Mico.
"I plan to expand the area of my organic rice by adding 1.5 hectares more, my veggie farm by 300 square meters more. And expand my piggery project too… Oh… I still have more plans to do."
"How much do you plan to borrow this time?"
"I still have to ask Rob to assist me in making my agribusiness plan come mid-April, perhaps after the Holy Week."

"Please let us know at the TARF office then, as soon as you have decided to renew your loan. You need not worry La Esa," reassured Mico, "Anyway you top the list of TARF's good payers, which make you credit-worthy."

"Thank you very much," as she extended her arms to cup Mico's hands. "You know Madam Mico… I might need a bigger amount …you know… I will repair my rice mill that stood laid off for a long time…so that we at CORFADECO (Canlaon Organic Rice Farmers' Development Cooperative), of which La Esa is an officer. CORFADECO proposes to rent La Esa's mobile thresher and rice mill, can make money out of it."
La Esa is excited about her plan. It means additional income.
"No worry…Just tell us La Esa."

Rob, Tatay Ed, Vani and Aldrin had a chance to drop by La Esa one late afternoon. It was not a scheduled meeting. Each of them never knew all of them would meet at La ESa's house.

"Come on right in 'guys' because I have a sad story to tell," announced La Esa as she opened the door.
"Yeah, what is it?"
"Do you remember Job? .. the Book of Job?"
"From the Bible?"
"Uh, huh... From my readings I learned that Job was a good man, but God made him suffer to test his faith. Took everything Job had; health, money, house, family."
"Now, I am wondering what has Job to do with this unplanned meeting, then?" intruded Rob.

"It's simple. I just want to share my thoughts with you guys."
The 'guys' grabbed a cup of hot black native coffee each, found their places each on top of neatly piled bags of dried copra ready for market, quietly sipped their coffee as La Esa told them about her story.

"I think I got the message," started off La Esa, trying hard to link Job's to her own story. "Like Job, God tested my faith. But maybe with mine…he…he... I think God overdid it." La Esa managed to crack a joke as she felt her forehead broke into a sweat from the hot coffee? Or from the uncomfortable situation… Whatever.
The 'guys' waited. The room was deathly quiet.
La Esa was amibale, "Thank you for coming" she rolled her eyes then smiled.
Every one beamed then shook their heads.

Little did Vani, Rob, Aldrin and Tatay Ed know that Job's story was just a point of entry to trigger a conversation for a tired and pained woman like La Esa.
"Well, here's the sad part of my story," La Esa said. "This is about Rowena. I know she knew about my situation, knew what I've been through." She choked.
She excused herself, hushed her noisy grand children, herded them into the kitchen, set the table for them, and proceeded on to tell her story. "I was very hurt when she left me amidst hardships - adjustments to single parenthood. I kept the remorse getting greater inside my heart… because I was doubly hurt… she never came to see how I was. So I decided to drop the relationship."
"Just a few days ago, she and her husband dropped by and tried to reconcile but I didn't accept it. I was prideful. I shrugged them off."
Her voice choked again.

"Rowena went off crying. It pained me so much to see her go again."

La Esa cried again. Quietly.

Aldrin was quick to say "sorry to hear that…"
"Don't be," she said, as she continued to weep alone with her memories.

Finally, La Esa continued, "We also need to forgive ourselves."
"Ourselves?" chorused the 'guys.'

"Uh..huh.. Yes, ourselves. For the things we didn't do, for the things which we could have done so easily… offering others what we want to give… I don't mean material things…but time, concern…forgiveness… love. I realized that I need to make peace with myself first, before I am able to make peace with everyone around me."
They all dropped their eyes… for a moment they sat there speechless as the hot day melted into night and darkness started to swallow them.
Yesterday when La Esa came in to the office to announce that it is harvest time, she seemed so full of grace. She seemed to have lived the life the way it should be lived… a life to be preserved for her grand children and her grand children's children to cherish.

She is still the ever busybody. Seems to be in perpetual motion again, running in and out… outfacing the impossible…outlining what can be possible.
After all, life does not end at sunset. Every dawn promises a new life.

A day in the life of La Esa

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Mon, 16 Feb 2009 05:38:00 +0000

Sustaining all life forms is 'my responsibility to my neighbors,' a tough TARF mantra that NIRDC cracked for the uplift of the empoverished's lot

By GRACE P DEGUIT

CANLAON City, Negros Oriental –AT THE AGE OF 62, Elsa Apostol-Vergara, a widow of 11 years and a grandmother of 13 kids, should be taking her life easy. But she has to work hard everyday on her PD 27-awarded two-and-three-fourths-hectare land devoted to organic rice and vegetables. She has to attend to her estate all by herself, to support a household composed of three grandchildren left orphaned by her son Domingo. She lost him in 2002 to a lingering cirrhosis of the liver, diagnosed later as cancer, which metastasized and complicated his kidneys and colon after two years of fighting the disease.

A few months soon after Domingo died, his slothful wife ran away with another man, abandoning their children, Emily, now aged 12 years old; Jemima, eight; and Clarence, four; hungry, angry and parentless.
"La Esa" (pronounced: laysa) – short for Lola Elsa – still has to get up at the crack of dawn, carry a basketful of vegetables that swung suspended from her bony shoulders, walk down a little more than a kilometer through rice paddies, narrow foot bridge and rough roads before she could catch a habal-habal (a motorcycle for hire) ride to the Uptown Public Market to sell her vegetables.
She likes doing veggie vending better than growing rice and vegetables; but as soon as the sun is up, she has no choice but spend the light of day away attending to her farms. At sun down, she goes straight home to keep her poultry and herd her livestock safe for the night, lighted by a pile of firewood burning from her dirty kitchen. Every four months, she would pick nuts from 31 coconut trees, using a long bamboo culm with a scythe attached to one end, and process them into copra for a week.

La Esa is fondly called thus, because "I am one of the first among the Negros Institute for Rural Development, Inc (NIRD)'s LEISA, or Low External Input in Sustainable Agriculture practitioners here in Sitio Tigbahi, or perhaps, others follow how small children lisp my name," Mrs Vergara who begot four children explained. She had Diosdado, Domingo's twin brother who died of measles when he was a toddler. She is survived by eldest daughter, Myrna, and youngest son, Juan.
She had yet to fully recover from the loss of Domingo, when her 17-year old adopted daughter, Rowena, quit school and eloped with her 16-year old boyfriend exactly a year ago today. La Esa recalled her daughter's bf, quite bitterly: "… He had large thick ears looking more like bookends than hearing organs, that compressed his small ugly face, as though you can only find all ears in his head."
"Ah.. I used to wreathe in pain" La Esa stammered as she continued, "as if a pinch of powdered pepper and salt were sprinkled into my gaping wound here," pointing to her heart as she tearfully spoke softly. After a long sigh, with sorrowful eyes slightly open, chin securely rested on her palms, both elbows planted firmly on her knees, she recounted the sad story about Rowena.
"She was bundled up in dirty, faded and tattered navy blue T-shirt, weighed a little heavier than an empty one-liter Coke bottle, when my late husband Rufino and I first set our eyes on her."

"I vividly remember how Rowena faintly cried in her mother's arms." La Esa paused and stood up to scratch her back against the rough edge of her wooden cupboard, finished up her cup of black native coffee and sat back down.
"When I opened the door," La Esa carried on, "I was shocked to see Rowena in distress, emaciated… ah… mere skin and bones." La Esa crossed her forefingers to reaffirm that she was telling the truth. Then the doting momma recounted, "She had swollen face, hands and feet and discolored blotches appeared on her tiny skinny body. Rowena was three years old then, the doctors said she had … kwa… kwas… o yeah, 'kwashiorkor'... Sus!..." La Esa paused momentarily, instantaneously made a sign of the cross, and then went on:

"When her mother handed her to us, we outrightly refused to take her in for fear that she might die any moment in our care. Rowena's mother begged us to spare her daughter's life as she could no longer afford to give her another day to live. Indeed, love outpowered our fears the moment I held her close to my heart. Right then, I knew we did it for love."

LET A THOUSAND FLOWERS BLOOM IN CANLAON

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Mon, 16 Feb 2009 05:36:00 +0000

The partnership of Bread for the World (BftW) and the Negros Oriental Institute for Rural Development (NIRD) first touched ground in Canlaon in 1999. NIRD is a non-government development organization working for sustainable development and democratization in the province of Negros Oriental, Philippines. NIRD’s programs and services are designed to realize its vision for rural development and democratization through an integrated area development approach. Its interventions are intended to contribute to the broader range of concerns to attain social transformation in the rural areas.

Canlaon is a third class interior city strategically located 9.5 kilometers from the foot of a dominant landmark, Mt. Kanlaon Volcano, which rises in serenity at the north-central part of Negros Island. Canlaon has rich volcanic fertile soil and natural resources where bio-diversity abound. Canlaon is populated with a total of 45,658 people (2000 census) inhabiting a total land area of 16,662 hectares; 9,783 hectares is devoted to agriculture, of which 4,089 hectares is irrigated Riceland, 3,330 hectares planted to commercial and industrial crops such as sugarcane, and 1,300 hectares to vegetables. CanlaonCity has no bank, no shopping center, no recreational facilities like movie house, sports, games, parks, although the 3,000-hectare protected area of Mt.Kanlaon Natural Park is situated in Canlaon City.
FORWARD I (1999-2001) intervention strategy focused on advocacy work directed towards pressuring and pushing the government to deliver the benefits and services due the marginalized rural sectors and peoples, foremost of which was the fast tracking of the implementation of the Philippine government’s Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program or CARP. FORWARD I contributed to the land tenure improvement of the agrarian reform beneficiaries (ARBs). In coordination with the Department of Agrarian Reform (DAR), NIRD has facilitated the transfer of land ownership of 1,248 hectares of sugarland in Canlaon to 987 agrarian reform beneficiaries, who were then, seasonal farmworkers of these sugar estates.

On the other hand, FORWARD II (2002-2004) intends to continue the BftW-NIRD partnership with the marginalized farmers and farmworkers by forging the gains of FORWARD I and contribute to the development and enhancement of capabilities, knowledge, skills and attitude of productive and enterprising poor. While FORWARD I focused on the ARBs as partners, FORWARD II goes beyond the ARBs’ concerns by engaging their communities; working with the partners at the household level geared towards empowerment.

Pamfilo’s story

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Mon, 16 Feb 2009 05:35:00 +0000

My name is Pamfilo and I’m a rice farmer living in the Philippines.

Along with other farmers, it’s been really hard for me to make a living. For a start, our government buys cheaper rice from other countries, which makes it difficult for us farmers to get a fair price for our rice. The government also want us to buy our rice seeds from big companies and use chemical fertilisers on our crops. These are both so expensive that we have to take out loans for them which cost a lot to pay back. To make matters worse, sometimes the local traders cheat us by weighing our crops wrongly. And rich landowners can just take our land and crops, and little is done to stop them.

But despite all this, things are getting a lot better thanks to a local organisation – and a quarter of a kilo of wriggly worms! Christian Aid, a charity in the UK and Ireland, works with an organisation called RDI Leyte who provided me Pamfilo’s story with the worms, and a helping hand.

How do the worms help?

Firstly, they eat vegetable and fruit left-overs. Then after they’ve digested the leftovers, they leave behind what’s called a worm cast – an excellent natural fertiliser. The worm casts help my crops to grow bigger and stronger, and now I even have some crops left over. I can sell the surplus from my vegetable patch and I make enough money to send my children to school.

RDI Leyte aren’t just about worms, though. They encourage us to use our knowledge of local organic seeds which give much better harvests and are cheaper.

I am now a community organiser for my village and I’m encouraging everyone to start vegetable production with the RDI programme. That initial quarter of a kilo of worms has multiplied and produced 547kg of compost so far. Who would have guessed that something as small as a worm could make you wealthier and healthier?

Babayi, the Right Man for the Job

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Mon, 16 Feb 2009 05:33:00 +0000

Babayi, the Right Man for the Job
The Biliran Experience

Gender mainstreaming slowly paving its way… as RDI – Leyte’s program implementation hoped to integrate greater women participation in community development.

By LILIBETH LUCHAVEZ CUESTA - NUNEZ

BILIRAN – It was the first year of the new millennium when a great opportunity knocked on the
doors of Rural Development Institute Inc (RDI-Leyte), a choice NGO partner, by the Department of Health (DOH), for implementing the "Women's Health and Safe Motherhood Project" (WHSMP) in the municipalities of Almeria, Cabucgayan and Kawayan.
Not only the Warays' babayi or babae (the Filipino women)'s big issues on children's high mortality rates, high morbidity rates on pregnant women, violence against women and children, and poor access to basic support services were tackled for two and a half years.
When doors were about to close, gateways were opening, so that when phase one in Ormoc City project was going on to its terminal phase, the second phase – the Consortium for the Advancement of People's Participation through Sustainable Integrated Area Development (CAPPSIAD) – was being accessed in Biliran.
The Biliran phase in 2002 initially covered two municipalities. Almeria's 13 barangays with Cabucgayan's seven of its dozen barangays participated. Consistently aggressive lobbying by sheer women power was able to annex the five more of its constituent barangays in no time at all.
Cabucgayan Councilor Edwin Masbang, in an interview, cited, "the babayi CAPPSIAD initiatives had raised the level of consciousness of my constituents who now demand for accountability from the local government units (LGUs). It, in turn, made us, the LGU stewards, more responsive to people's needs."
Learning communities
AS A RESULT of initiating grassroots participation in local governance among women, farmers, fisherfolk, the youth, senior citizens, health and daycare workers – with an average 44 percent female – 25 barangay development councils (BDCs) were recognized. BDCs comprised the collective body tasked to formulate the Barangay Development Plans (BDP).
In one of the barangay development planning sessions…one lady participant with somewhat proud gesture said, “karon lang gyud mi nahatagan ug higayon nga moapil sa paghimo ug plano para sa among barangay, mao nga bisan ug kapoy ug labad pa sa ulo, amo gyud gi-agwanta tungod sa kalipay nga nahatagan kami ug importansya”.(this is just the first time that we were given the chance to participate in the planning process for our barangay, thus, even if it caused us getting tired and headaches, we still pursue because we feel privileged to have given importance).
That expression left a mark into my mind… that was the woman, who used to carry with her a 3-month old baby, who used to breastfeed the infant at break time, and still able to participate in the planning session. What an inspiring effort, as I thought within myself…the women that were left shelled long time ago…now slowly coming out ready to disprove the judgment of being just the weaker sex.
In marginalized areas where representation was nil, local community organizers (LCOs) were identified and trained to lead by inspiration to get various sectors unite. And then I remember… Lydia Maala, a shy person who seemed aloof talking to public officials, now turned LCO and paralegal of barangay Esperanza, Cabucgayan. She made a confession through an article written by herself…and I quote…”Can I do it? I was hesitant at first, but I convinced myself I could do it, and I would do my best”. True enough… this shy person transformed into a paralegal advocate in her own barangay…now able to draft resolutions opposing continued illegal fishing, sand and gravel extraction and many more.

It was discovered that prior to CAPPSIAD, a number of barangays in the municipalities had BDPs already. But only the members of Sangguniang Barangay were noted to be involved in the processes of decision making. Most of the barangays were also able to prepare Annual Investment Plans (AIP) as a method of detailing utilization of Internal Revenue Allotment (IRA). With the CAPPSIAD project, barangay residents were accorded the opportunity to openly express their issues and concerns to the council members for the first time. "It was great learning experience," community residents admitted. It afforded them the confidence to participate in the activities of their locales.
While our field staff persistently kept an eye to the project’s log-frame (logical framework), there was one official of the Department of Interior and Local Government (DILG), without us knowing what really went wrong with this man, he manifests somewhat negative gesture.
Boy Sebidos, the project supervisor, after his networking task at the provincial office arrived to the office… his face showing disgust and a bit puzzled, he was on a reporting mode and went on…”unsa man nang taga DILG uy, gidaut man ta sa barangay… gi-ingnan niya ang mga tawo ayaw mo ug tuo anang taga RDI!( I can’t understand what happened to that DILG man, he made bad issues about us in the barangay…he told the people not to believe with RDI!)
And then Boy referred this issue to Inday(Josefa Pizon -Executive Director of RDI). While talking on the phone, Boy looked like a little child, on a wary mode with his playmates, seeking comfort from his mother. After their phone conversation, we asked him…”unya Boy unsa may pulong ni Inday?(now Boy what’s the word of Inday?)…he replied with sigh…”wala, ato daw ipatigbabaw ang diplomasya” (“nothing, we should take the issue with diplomacy”).
Diplomacy as it is, the team faced the issue and invited the DILG man for a dialogue with key personnel from the province, line agencies and barangay officials. To make the story short… we found out that the DILG man was a bit insecure, because their previous initiatives on barangay development planning, was far different from the approach that we employed. After the dialogue, Boy and the DILG man became good partners. Lessons learned…it pays to uphold diplomacy.
Work at field back to normal, under the CAPPSIAD's inspiration, development plans for the barangays were presented in and approved by the barangay assembly. The grassroots package is communicated to the LGUs, for integration of the BDPs into the municipal and provincial development plans. As an advantage, the BDPs were now able to identify emerging and shifting priorities as their environment, operating context, and organizational capacity change. The 25 BDPs provided inputs into the preparation of the Executive and Legislative Agenda of Almeria and Cabucgayan. Annual Investment Plans (AIPs) are now largely based on BDPs that saw the channeling of around 66 percent of the Barangay Development Funds to priority projects included in the BDP. This represented a nine percent increase from previous allocations.
Along the efforts of making one significant event, an activity of highlighting the much sweated packaged barangay development plans (BDPs) was conducted. We called the activity “Stakeholders’ Forum” and it was a municipal-wide event. Darlene Gela (Monitoring & Evaluation Officer of Project Management Office in Manila) introduced the idea of “high-tech” power point presentation. She wanted to show rural folks the latest trend of computer generation.
While everything was in place…with a high-tech power point presentation, with invited guests from different institutions, believed to have resources to finance the different projects enlisted in the BDPs… suddenly…there was power failure…it lasted long that made the team panic… and Darlene with face looked so disgusted… she uttered…”lintik namang kuryenteng ito, ano ba yan! paano na ang power point presentation! (damn this electricity, how can we go with the power point presentation!).

As we can not allow the long wait, while our guests silently asked what time shall we start…we went back to basic…the “bitay max” as we call it, (the manila paper and pentel pens… audio visual aid presentations), good enough we were prepared for that being part of the contingency plans because we know, in Biliran, power interruption happens very often. Lessons learned…it pays to know the basics!
Despite the installation of BDCs, and its proactive contributions, the CAPPSIAD project wanted to ensure sustainability of its development initiatives. Considering the BDCs are predominantly composed of elected officials, issues of expiration of terms and transitory positions that affect program administration turnovers, had paved the way for the creation of Area Development Council (ADC) as a priority task. The ADC comprised by sectoral bodies headed by one of the volunteers chosen by the community, not an LGU official, it was hoped, could act more independently compared to BDCs. However, barangay officials were still welcome to become members with the Barangay Chairperson designated as ADC adviser.
Realizing NGOs existence in the barangay is time-bounded, Mr. Wenie Patagnan, (LCO/Paralegal of Brgy. Tabunan, Almeria) shared his worries…”what if they are gone?” he was referring to RDI’s presence in their barangay. But, after several capability building activities, and field exposures… Wenie remarked… “maayo na lang miapil ko sa mga seminar sa CAPPSIAD, ang akong kalibog dihang napili ko nga konsehal, kon asa ko magsugod paglihok sa akong katungdanan, karon natubag na!” (”good enough I attended the seminars of CAPPSIAD, my turning point as to where do I start after being elected as Councilor, now has been answered!)
The ADC, aside from its active role in the preparation of BDP, was mandated to manage a small micro credit fund for lending to its members. It also served as forum for paralegals and local community organizers to come together. The ADC also became the venue for increased community participation in the implementation and monitoring of projects prioritized in the BDP. Barangay officials utilized ADC as a venue to inform residents about policies formulated and actions undertaken by the barangay council. One ADC member, Mr. Benjie Donato of Cabucgayan, said…”the help provided by CAPPSIAD project, has resulted to such a great changes in our barangay!”
With an active ADC engaging the barangay council, the latter had started to become more transparent, accountable, and responsive to the needs of the community. Significant manifestations were the holding of semestral general assemblies to report accomplishments to the people, some barangay councils have started putting up billboards showing the status of BDP implementation in conspicuous places in the barangays.
As the barangay councils have started to become more transparent, they have also started to demand the same kind of transparency from other government units dealing with them. In the past, some infrastructure projects were brought into the barangay without prior consultation. Now, two barangays have proposed a resolution which would require contractors or agencies that would implement a project inside the barangay to submit the Program of Work (POW) before starting construction.
I remember, one early morning, there was this very vocal person who came to our office… he was looking for Leah Anadon, (our CO assigned in Tabunan, Almeria). I was yet inside the room but I can over heard how their conversation went on. Their discussion seemed so interesting, so I get out of the room…greet them good morning… then Leah introduced me to the man. When that man left, I asked Leah, “kinsa diay to Lai, pagarpar man kaayo!” (who was that man Lai, very noisy ha!)… Leah said… “si Nong Wenie, power jud to cya “te, pero active kaayo nga community advocate!) (it was Wenie, though vocal, but he is such an active community advocate!). Then I learned, the man did came to the office to consult because a certain project implemented in their barangay has caused them argument during the barangay council session, and the issue rooted from no proper consultation.
The barangay councils are lobbying for the issuance of a municipal resolution on this matter. Reason was for residents to determine whether quantity and quality of physical accomplishments were worth the amount of public funds expended. The idea was to prevent the loss of billions of pesos because of perceived corruption in the implementation of infrastructure projects that lacked transparency.
With the various capability building programs under the CAPPSIAD, skills of the barangay councils, local community organizers, and paralegals were improved. In effect, several barangays became successful in engaging the municipal government to deputize the barangay as collector of community tax, and to substantially reduce the municipal tax imposed by the municipal government on small fishers in Almeria.
The initiative of one organization in sitio Basud of Poblacion, Almeria headed by Mr. Percival de los Reyes (para legal advocate) has made a rifle effect…making all the coastal barangays mobilized themselves…supporting the advocacy until finally achieved their aspiration…
Success of the CAPPSIAD project was enhanced by meeting its objectives of developing the communities' access to social services, information, economic opportunities and putting in place the mechanisms of justice. Partner communities were provided with Barangay Support Fund (BSF) coursed through the ADC for livelihood and small infrastructure projects. Each barangay was given the right to determine the allocation between these two purposes after carefully examining priorities in the BDP. Prior to the release of project the scheme was to clarify to each barangay that this was just a bridge fund, so that as a prerequisite, each barangay should come up with a counterpart funding.
In the effort of generating counterpart, Biliran folks are fond of holding “bayle” (benefit dance)…to them this is a social activity with economic motive. We can always recall how Inday (our Executive Director) remind the team…”kamo ha, ayaw gyud ninyo sipyata pagtambong kanang mga inbitasyon labi kon piyesta, kay usa kana sa paagi nga makuha nato ang kompyansa sa taga barangay” (“you guys, don’t ever fail attending fiesta invitations, that is one effective way of establishing rapport among the barangay folks”). True enough, aside from establishing rapport, attending fiesta can “SOM” (save one meal).
One day, it was fiesta celebration in Barangay Tabunan of Almeria. The usual thing…as we arrived to the dancing venue (usually in a basketball court), an echoing sound of the microphone can be heard…”oh, nia na gyud ang atong mga bisita gikan sa RDI-Leyte, ato sila sugaton sa masigabong palakpakan” (at last, here comes our visitors from RDI-Leyte, let’s welcome them with a round of applause”)
It was my first time of joining the group…Boy said, tara “mamayle ta” (let’s go to disco). As the music was played… it was “kuratsa” (the waray’s traditional folk dance). A dance performed by a pair with the man as if running after the woman in the dance floor. To my surprise, the announcer called my name, I was paired to Hon. Rolando Ty (Municipal Mayor of Almeria). I told Boy, I don’t know how to do “kuratsa”, but then, in community immersion… the philosophy is…”walay pugsanay, pero walay balebaray”(“you are not forced, but you can not refuse”). So I did, my companions said…”simply wave your hands…then a little dance steps…that would be fine”.
As we danced, one lady gave me a chair, and said…”lingkod usa Maam” (“sit down for a while Maam”)… then the audience one by one approached the center of the dance floor…where handkerchief was placed… slowly pulling from their wallet some peso bills and placed into the handkerchief. Mayor Ty, then pulled a bundle of peso bills, then piece by piece scattered into the dance floor, as if flower blossoms falling down from heaven.
Then the lady went back and take away the chair from me…then again, we danced. After that, it was Mayor Ty’s turn…he was given a chair and sit…my office mates did redeem the Mayor…by giving our share of peso bills too. It was such an unforgettable experience…then I realized what an amazing strategy of generating funds…the amount generated went to the barangay treasury, to form part of the barangay’s cash counterpart to finance development projects.
Some barangays contributed in kind, like construction materials. Heavy equipment, fuel, or payment of the cost of labor were provided by the Barangay LGUs or other fund sources. All the barangays were able to meet the required implementation of small infrastructure projects, such as improvement of existing water system, portion of works in electrification projects, farm-to-market roads, concrete foot path, communal toilets, health station, and renovation of daycare center.

Multisectoral autonomy
IN DOING poverty mapping, CAPPSIAD was able to identify 30 out of 83 households in Almeria for LGU service delivery prioritizing. With the micro credit program fully operationalized, it has benefited a total of 1,534 households representing 75 percent of the poor households. The program had provided additional capital to existing small enterprises and for crop production, as well as for backyard livestock raising.
One project beneficiary, named Panfilo Ochea (Kagawad/LCO/Para legal of Brgy. Look, Almeria) was engaged in livestock raising and crop production. He has been into farming since the time he was married. In his crop production, chemical inputs get a big slice of his budget every cropping season. But, when CAPPSIAD project came into their barangay, his farming practice was changed.
Nong Pilo was able to attend the sustainable agriculture training conducted by RDI and after that, he just use worm to produce fertilizer. Nong Pilo said, “kaniadto, lubong gyud ko sa otang kay akong abot igo ra ipalit ug medisina pang bomba sa akong tanom” (“before, I was in debt trap, because my harvest is just good enough to buy spray chemicals for my plants”). To Nong Pilo, “the worm is the farmer’s helper”, he was referring to the vermi culture technology. Vermi cast (worm waste) served as complete fertilizer, the organic farming campaign of the institution.
Provision of barangay support fund under the CAPPSIAD had an added benefit specially in areas previously covered by the Women's Health and Safe Motherhood Project; it had created continuity of programs. In all six barangays (three in Almeria, three in Cabucgayan), for instance, it effectively assisted the communities gain improved access to health services because women's health groups have been organized, barangay health workers (BHWs) and midwives have been trained, and barangay health centers and women's resource centers have been installed. BHWs appreciated the added value of second CAPPSIAD in providing input to the annual integrated health plan of the municipality; promoting a health savings scheme to make funds available for emergencies requiring hospitalization; and more.
There was one heart breaking incident, as told by Luz Antipala, (CO assigned in Almeria). In her usual household visit, she happened to come across an ailing mother suffering from pain. The woman looked so pale and thin. Luz said, “Manang, pag pa ospital nalang” (“Woman, go to a hospital”), the woman replied, “ wala gyud mi kwarta Day, unya ug moadto ko sa ospital dili ra mi tagdon kay wala man mi ikabayad” (“we really don’t have money, and if I go to the hospital, still we will not be entertained, because we don’t have money to pay”).
Then again, looking so anxious at the ailing woman, Luz asked, “Manang, member naba ka sa atong “peso for health”? (Woman, are you a member of our “peso for health”?) The woman replied, “gusto unta ko magpa membro Day” (“I would have wanted to be a member”). Luz, facilitated bringing the woman to the hospital, with a promise that she will become an active member of the barangay health organization.
That woman, who once suffered from ailment, yet refused to be brought to the hospital because of financial constraint, is now one of the active advocates for the “Peso for Health” of Brgy. Tamarindo, Almeria. She realized the essence of health savings, after having experienced lying in bed in nearly death condition.
With varying forms of dynamics leading to scaling-up of the barangay-based organizations, all the 25 ADCs in the two municipalities moved to transform into an autonomous multisectoral organizations (MSOs), in order to lead into a greater and sustained empowerment of communities. The transformation was geared towards fund access when CAPPSIAD's term ended, leaving the ADCs to register as MSOs that will pave the way for their autonomy.
At the municipal level, the formation of federations of the barangay local volunteers and paralegal officers was viewed as another strategy for institutionalization and sustainability. Hence, there are now two municipal federations formed in Biliran province: the Almeria Association of Development Advocates (AACDA) and the Cabucgayan Multisectoral Development Association (CAMDA). These two municipal federations when linked with higher level federations can serve as instruments for integrating local agenda into the national agenda. As an initial step, the federations seek accreditation for a seat in the municipal development councils.
In Almeria, the local community organizers and paralegal officers saw the need to federate at municipal level to strengthen their advocacy work. They realized that they have many common issues and advocacies, which are difficult to advance if they act separately. Coming together as federation, they would have greater voice and could apply greater pressure in engaging local government units or other institutions to address their concerns.
In a sharing with Boy Sebidos, the project coordinator, this initiative of federating the ADCs in a municipal-wide scope, is geared towards local sectoral representation. Incumbent local officials noticed the excellent internalization and actual practice of the paralegal skills acquired by CAPPSIAD project trained leaders. In fact, federation leader, Wenie Patagnan, is eyed to run as Councilor in the municipality of Almeria. I came to another point of realization…you can never judge anybody. This man I once called “pagarpar” (talkative) is a future key leader of our country.
Aside from advocacy, they formed themselves to provide mutual assistance and support. Now, AACDA is operating its own micro financing project and a consumer store. Aside from livelihood support to members, the federation assisted individual paralegals handling difficult cases by providing research services, training or even additional paralegal to support the ADC paralegal. In the case of CAMDA, their federation had created a venue for the sharing experiences among the different ADCs and MSOs, with startup of economic activities in tow.
Goodwill and social capital sharing
WITH CAPPSIAD goodwill and social capital sharing initiatives with ADCs in place, the Leyte Provincial Government, together with the Bureau of Fisheries and Aquatic Resources (BFAR), Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR), the Leyte State University (LSU) and Naval Institute of Technology (NIT) representing the academe, and many others had synergized to assist in area development. The linkages had equipped the ADCs in successfully mobilizing funds, technical assistance, and even securing books and sewing machines for their locales.
The linkup with RDI Leyte had opened up markets for farm products through the coordination of the Advocates for Philippine Fair Trade with the support of the Koalisyon ng Organisadong Magsasaka sa Kanayunan sa Kabisayaan (Coalition of Organized Rural Farmers in the Visayas). Women's organizations became members of the Pambansang Kilusan ng Kababaihan sa Kanayunan (National Movement of Rural Women) and were taking the lead in building up and strengthening the provincial chapter of this movement. Development training was the key.

BEST PRACTICES, issues and achievements
It was in December of 2003, I got the chance to attend the drawing of learning. I can still remember, Hon. Jesus Estrada (Brgy. Captain of Talahid, Almeria turned ABC President) giving a message…and I quote, “”kami sa barangay council, mosuporta gyud mi sa ADC” (“we, at the barangay council, would really support the ADC”). This was the kind of remark that we, as project implementer was hoping to hear. A kind of assurance, that, even if RDI no longer exist in the area, we can look forward, that the initiatives left behind by the CAPPSIAD project, would be sustained by the local leaders.
Drawing of learning conducted further provided us the venue to review the strategies and to make corrective measures necessary in order to improve the courses of field implementation. In general, we recognized some degree of weaknesses that could have been acted upon if we were not only constrained by the life of the Project. However, we consider such action points as a challenge for future engagements and useful for other ongoing programs of the institution.
In the report of Goldie Chan and Joe Grageda (project evaluators commissioned by CAPPSIAD), our significant achievement was in participatory local governance. The project has prepared community sectors and leaders to participate meaningfully in local governance and development processes.
Our efforts in putting in place a core group of paralegals, local community organizers, and women advocates, we call them “pool of volunteers” was also found vital. As they now are actively involved in advocacy work related to barangay justice, violence against women and children, land tenure improvement, and coastal resource management.
Finally, the success of the Project can be attributed to the receptive and cooperative communities and local government units.
(Lilibeth C. Nunez is an Agriculturist by profession. Upon entry to RDI-Leyte in 2001, the author was tasked as Training Coordinator. Later, she became a Technical Staff handling various tasks in technical writing to include project proposals, annual reports and others. Then progress to being the Administrative Officer at the same time Bookkeeper as add-on task for years. Recent development, the author will handle the position of Enterprise Development Officer under the ICCO project in Ormoc, Leyte

The Struggle to own the land they till

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Mon, 16 Feb 2009 05:32:00 +0000

Sunday, August 31, 2008

So many stories have to be told.
But it can be accommodated not in this space but somewhere, and maybe, it is still written in the memories of those who have been involved in the campaign. It is there stored and waiting to be retrieved and shared.

The drama is still unfolding and like the way I wrote this piece, it is very hard to imagine when it would come to an end. But sure thing is that, somewhere in our history, the history of the people, the sugar workers and farmers in the sugar land of Visayas struggled so hard, faced the mighty and able to gain some victories.

They are sweet, you can rest assured.

The land takeover

On the 14th of June, 1999, the Department of Agrarian Reform (DAR) ordered the installation of the Agrarian Reform Beneficiaries (ARB) in the land owned by Carlolina Lacson in Canlaon City, Negros Oriental Philippines by the 24th of June 1999. The order afforded the ARBs great source of joy, albeit temporarily. Observers claimed, the DAR was “somersaulting” on the issue come implementation time.
Three days before, the DAR event sent communication canceling the ordered installation because there was a pending inclusion/exclusion case filed by a group of farmers instigated by the Lacsons. Unperturbed, the Lacson estate ARBs proceeded with their planned takeover even without the DAR. They realized that if they will depend solely on DAR, nothing will happen. They have to assert their rights. They have to struggle and fight for their claim in taking over the land they already owned.
Day before the installation, together with the organizer of NIRD and Philnet-RDI, the San Francisco Multipurpose Cooperative (SFAWMULCO) hold a meeting to finalize the plan for the actual takeover of the Carolina Lacson estate. They call this meeting a tactic sessions – where they plan in details on how they will enter the area, the entry points, the site of makeshift stage, the program of the formal turnover of Certificate of Land Ownership Award (CLOA), and the formation of different committees including the food preparation and the detailed plan of the committee on security.
On the night before the installation, 11:00 in the evening, some 35 members gathered for the final preparation for the next day’s activity. The committee on security makes a round of the area to ensure that no unwelcome visitors will sabotage their preparation. Six members were busy, continue and alternately rotating the bamboo pole with 3 pigs roasting above the burning charcoal that will be served for the activity.
News broke out, reported by the chair of committee on security that goons of the former landowner arrived in the area aside from the 20 ronda (security personnel of the landholding). Tension begins to rise. One group of 3 members verified the news while the composite team in charge of defense alerted other members in the community. The team who is in-charge of food continue their task of preparing the roasted pig and puso (cooked rice in coconut leaves). Past midnight, seeing nothing happened, the community organizer of NIRD (Negros Oriental Institute for Rural Development, Inc.) prepared to go back to their office. While walking in the middle of the night, they passed through the roads surrounded by sugarcanes and no lights guiding in their path. They mutter to each other “God help us that nothing will happen to us on our way home”. They arrived safely.
Early morning of July 10, 1999, members of SFAWMULCO (San Francisco Muli-purpose Cooperative) start arriving in group and others came with their children in tow. About 70 ARBs were sitting facing the makeshift stage inside the tolda (tent). Local police was invited and arrived at 10:00 am, immediately talked to the Chairperson and NIRD organizer. They discussed on what to do to maintain peace and order in the area while the activity is going on. Monsignor Modesto, the parish priest of Canlaon City also came. Thirty minutes later, truckloads of ARBs from other areas arrived. They came from the nearby town of Guihulngan and from as far as the town of Mabinay to provide support for the activity and to provide warm bodies to counter any attempts of the former landowner to use their goons to stop the takeover. Media people coming all the way from Dumaguete City, 120 kilometers away from Kanlaon likewise arrived to cover the activity. No representative coming from the Department of Agrarian Reform (DAR) as expected.
Monsignor Modesto begins the Mass. During the homily he told the ARBs “ the Lord gave you this land, till these land, love this land, develop this land, because this land will give you food to feed your family, send your children to school and provide you shelter that is comfortable to live in”. He gave blessings for the members. After the mass, the good Monsignor Modesto turned over the CLOA to the ARBs as proof of ownership of the Lacson Estate. The DAR is supposedly the one who will hand over the CLOA but they refuse fearing that they will be sued by the former land owner. The cutting of ribbon (sugarcane leaves and flowers) was done next after turning over of CLOA. The ARBs do the groundbreaking by planting banana and different crops in the boundaries and do the symbolic plowing and harrowing of the land.
The tense feeling subsided seeing nobody from the landowners’ men came. After the groundbreaking, you can see the sweet smile of the chairperson, the cheerful faces of the members, the festive mood of the crowd gathered to watch this historic event in their simple and serene community. This is the beginning of their new life as the new owner of Lacson Estate.
Before feasting on the prepared food, the good monsignor led the prayer to thank God, they can now peacefully partake the food that is not possible if something untoward incident happened.
The land installation in Lacson Estate is only one of the many installations conducted by the BAGASSE ( Bisaya Alliance for Growth and Sustainability of Sugar Estates). It gave lessons on how to organize a solid organization capable of facing sacrifices to be able to claim their rights to the land already awarded them. This serves as an inspiration to other member organization of BAGASSE.

Farmers Take Over the Management of Oil Palm Plantation

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Mon, 16 Feb 2009 05:31:00 +0000

The Sultan Kudarat Experience

Down the southernmost tip of The Philippines , Kenram and Mapantig farm workers go “corporative” – cooperative with a corporate sense. They are on the right track, the French and a dozen other European Union ambassadors are rest assured

By JEMLY HASIGAN

ISULAN – IT WAS A BRIGHT MONDAY MORNING of the 19th of December 2005. Thirty leaders from Kenram Agrarian Reform Beneficiaries’ Multipurpose Cooperative (KARBEMPCO) and the Mapantig Agrarian Reform Beneficiaries’ Multipurpose Cooperative (MAPARBEMPCO) were gathered at an opena area in the front gate of the fenced Karbempco building compound. The scorching heat of the 9 o’clock morning sun failed to dampen the glow and excitement on the faces of the leaders and beneficiaries. They stood still for the arrival of their most important visitors of the day. They have been waiting for the delegation of 13 distinguished European Union (EU) ambassadors who were to visit the projects that the European Community had assisted.
Beneficiaries have been ahead by 45 minutes, and they killed time by chitchatting what to do and who will do what. As they tried to break the anguish of waiting, an elder kasama (a farmer colleague) was heard asking on top of his voice, a jesting manner that cannot conceal an eagerness to meet with the dignitaries:
“Paano ta makaestorya sa ila sang aton naagum nga kadalag-an kay limitado man ang aton nahibal-an nga English? (How can we be able to tell them our achievements when our English vocabulary is limited?)”
The crowd responded with a mixture of grumble and laughter, but was abruptly halted when finally, the ambassadors arrived. As the EU Thirteen alighted slowly from their sports-utility vehicles, it was the sight of the newly-built ARB houses of the agrarian reform beneficiaries and the cooperative building surrounded by the oil palm tree plantation that momentarily captured the attention of the guests. Not the eager beneficiaries who waited for long, yet. But everyone was awed by each others’ presence.
“Behold, the Europeans!” Bienvenido Tamesis of Karbempco and Melicio Lebiga of Maparbempco, leaders both of the ARBs, gestured to approach and welcome the visitors. Brief exchanges of handshakes and bows followed as the visitors were ushered in to the coop’s open-type assembly building, for formal and informal gatherings. When all were in, the farmhands were asked to take their plastic chair seats arranged in circle, to allow each one to see each other, face-to-face. Short introductions ensued. The leader of the delegation introduced himself as Jan de Kok of France. Other dignitaries took turns in presenting themselves and the countries they represented, while the beneficiaries of the projects did the same, for the guests. The scenes were casual.
The beneficiaries were in consensus, Ben (as Bievenido Tamesis is fondly called) was to brief the visitors on the potable water system and swine breeding projects of Karbempco. Miling (Melicio Lebiga’s nickname) was to talk about the goat raising, inland fishing and vegetable production projects of Maparbempco. The EU delegations visit was to get an overview on the status of how things were going.
Chairman Ben who was adequate in spoken English afforded his Karbempco colleagues big sighs of relief when it was made clear to them their leader can tell the guests what they collectively meant to say about their EU-funded projects through the Philippine Department of Agrarian Reform (DAR). They were delighted to hear how the piggeries and the drinking water systems projects had been successfully run in favor of the Kenram beneficiaries in wise utilization of European donations. Halfway Ben’s presentation, a few queries from the leader of the delegation regarding the takeover of the plantation under the Philippine government’s agrarian reform program, took the forum to task:
“… How were you able to succeed in carrying out your struggle? Were you able to do it by yourselves alone? Or were there help from other organizations in the process of your struggle?,” asked monsieur De Kok the stunned audience. Silence was momentarily everywhere. Everyone involuntarily looked at each other as if asking who would be the best volunteer to answer the French queries. Ben, who remained standing, was still their man of the hour.
Ben narrated the history of the Sultan Kudarat farmers’ struggle, for the Europeans’ reenlightenment on the matter, with the passion of a true Isulanan. He almost forgot to finish the gist of his prepared presentation on the Karbempco project accomplishments.
The Karbempco leader recalled that the land acquisition struggle in the oil palm plantations extensively took place during the end of the Aquino and Ramos administrations’ 10-year deferment period for commercial farms in 1998. The areas, constituting 1,558 hectares of oil palm plantations, are located in barangays Kenram and Mapantig of Isulan municipality.
Prior to termination of commercial farms deferment period, Ben added, it was in June of 1997 when the social preparation of potential beneficiaries was initially discussed by Rey Magbanua of the Rural Development Institute of Sultan Kudarat (RDISK), Ildefonso Buenacosa Sr, municipal agrarian reform officer (MARO) of Isulan, and Ramon Regalado of the Kenram Employees’ Labor Union (KELU). The discussion resulted to the formation of a task force comprised by DAR, RDISK and the farmworkers’ representatives. It was the task force’s mandate to directly organize and strengthen the bloc’s potential beneficiaries who filed a petition for the immediate coverage of Kenram-Philippines Industries (KPI) estate in Kenram and the First Southern Land Development Corp (FSLDC) in Mapantig after the deferment period shall have expired by the 15th of June 1998. It was also tasked to disseminate information on Republic Act (RA) 6657 campaign, otherwise known as the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Law (CARL), to the potential plantation worker beneficiaries, Ben said.
The merging
CHAIRMAN Ben Tamesis related, that in February of 1998, the resultant task force’s efforts were realized when, during the Provincial Consultation on Agrarian Reform and Rural Development (PROCCARD), a decision was made to form cooperatives as the uniting organizations of the two estates’ claimants. A core group of 14 selected potential beneficiaries was formed, to facilitate the conduct of pre-membership education education seminar series from July to August 1998.
Karbempco with 414 members was organized in May of 1998, while Maparbempco with 269 members, was put up in August of 1998.
It was vivid in Tamesis’ memory, making the two organizations strong was primary focus in the late-20th century. A goal-oriented project planning was hosted for the officers of Maparbempco and Karbempco to plan for the coops’ acquisition and distribution of the plantations at issue. Advocacy work, networking, lobbying and negotiations, he said, were given full attention to speed up the processes. The established working relation of RDISK with the provincial offices of the DAR became favorable to pursue the struggle. In preparation for the eventual takeover, the two coops briefed their members as to the possible options to take come the post-distribution phase. Some options presented to them under the reform program were joint venture, contract growing, lease-back and takeover arrangements.
It was, during this same period, Tamesis pointed out, the viability and feasibility of a cooperative-managed plantation operation was raised. It became the focus of arguments, specially when the potential beneficiaries were considering various options. It was crucial, the beneficiaries were to decide for themselves. Towards this end, RDISK initiated the conduct of a feasibility study on cooperative-managed oil palm enterprise, followed by a conference on the project viability issues. It was in the conference where, Tamesis and company were self-assured, it was proved that a “cooperative-managed oil palm plantation in the production aspect, is more economically viable,” exploring with the entrepreneurial idea how joint ventures in the milling and marketing aspects, can harness more revenue for the coops.
After a series of more information and education exchanges, Maparbempco opted to take over the plantation management during their assembly in November of 1998, while Karbempco decided for the takeover option, later in February of 1999. It was fortunate that the landowner showed openness of mind for negotiations related to land distribution, management option and marketing agreements within the bounds of the agrarian reform program implementation. In January of 2002, the certificate of land ownership (CLOA) was awarded. Thirst got wind of the Ben Tamesis stories about the coops’ triumphal struggles.
A hard earned struggle
ANOTHER dignitary ventured a comment, “As we listen to your story, I had the impression that you did not have much difficulty in pursuing your struggle…” A lull in the exchange was an opportune time for the Maparbempco chairman Miling Lebiga to take the cudgels from the already tired leader-speaker.
Miling begged to disagree with the impression of the inquiring dignitary, “Actually, Sir,” Lebiga responded, while pausing here and there, as if looking for his next best words to say, “this property was not given to us on silver platter,” he finally completed his statement in a baritone pure Ilonggo tone.
The Maparbempco leader recounted their uncertainties many years back when the wait was long for the ultimate award. Miling said, even if they had already decided on what course to take over the plantation, the landowner’s had been trying to convince many of them, almost with a modicum of success, for the lease-back option. Some almost gave up the fight already. Suspicions lurked at the back of the cooperators’ mind, the implementing agency was trying to fool around with them when a delay in the generation of the land value by the Land Bank of the Philippines (LBP) creeped in. They had to stage a picket dialogue in the DAR provincial offices to hasten the processing of land distribution.
A host of other dilatory tactics were attributed in part to conflicting interests between the landowner and the potential beneficiaries. DAR had to come in if only to facilitate resolution to the conflict, with offers of possible agriventure agreements by and between the parties. KPI, for instance, was recommending a joint-venture management of the oil palm production, while the beneficiaries were asserting to manage the plantation by themselves, and inked marketing contracts with KPI. It was recalled, KPI’s interest then was to ensure a steady supply of fresh fruit bunches (FFBs) for the milling plant which they retained in their possession. Series of negotiations, propositions and counter-propositions lasted for almost six months until finally, KPI and the beneficiaries agreed to take on the production and marketing as proposed by the farmworkers.
The Management Takeover
Karbempco and Maparbempco finally took over the management of the plantation on the first of July 2002.
The dual cooperative set up their own operational structures and systems to ensure a synergy of productivity, effectiveness and efficiency in the oil palm production.
After three years of operation, the two coops’ business expanded from single operation of FFB production to lending, FFB marketing, and consumer stores. In addition to the annual dividends received by the members at PhP34,878.00 per cooperator of Karbempco and P16,709.00 per cooperator of Maparbempco, the workers’ salary was increased from P170.00 per man-day during KPI management to P210.00 per man-day under the cooperative management.
Palpable results of their struggle….upliftment of their life
TODAY, the beneficiaries of the oil palm plantation cooperatives in Sultan Kudarat were able to also address their other basic need of housing within their areas.
It was learned, a residential area was allocated by KPI, equivalent to 27 hectares for Karbempco members and 15 hectares for Maparbempco members. They have established their villages where their offices are located at the central area.
In Kenram, they were able to extend their services to the community by providing subsidy to two cooperative-remunerated teachers in their public elementary school. Karbempco had also established a nursery for their replanting and expansion programs.
Miling Lebiga concluded his testimonials with a cheerful smile while relating their Kenraman dreams of looking forward to a more active participation in the whole oil palm industry chain. They also intend to become one among the major players in the industry, in the immediate future.
European Union visitors’ applause to the Karbempco presentation served as drumbeats that accompanied the Kenram leader back to his seat, oblivious that he was nearly walking towards the center of the forum as he anxiously narrated their stories.
Jan de Kok did not wait anymore to be asked of his comments. The French dignitary voluntarily stood up and congratulated the beneficiaries for their triumphs of spirit. De Kok admitted that with the colorful and complex experiences the beneficiaries had gone through in their struggle, he expressed confidence, the programs and projects the Europeans had backed up would be effectively and efficiently managed by the two cooperatives. The French ambassador was elated, their visit to the project sites also served as an enlightening quick-tour that educated them on how agrarian reform issues are fought down the Southern Philippines , without bloodshed.
A deafening applause from the beneficiaries to the guests’ warm approval of the reports saturated the hall after the head of the European delegation had spoken.
The packed lunch prepared by the beneficiaries were then served. Seemingly, everyone was not hungry. They did not feel like eating anymore. The wall clock hanged at the hall’s front wall announced it was already 12:45 in the afternoon. The farmworkers hearts were full.

Nonoy, the hero of farmworkers
Monday, September 1, 2008
Tension begins to build-up in Lacson Estate in Kanlaon City. The former landowner is determined to get back the land. One month after the farmers’ takeover of the land in August 1999, the former landowner put up tanod (security) posts in every corner of the hacienda . Every night the tanods of the former landowner made rounds of checking of the hacienda and flashing lights at the house of members and leaders of farmers to provoke them to react.
Sensing that their lives and their hard earned land were in danger, the cooperative hold a meeting. with the community organizer (CO) in the area. The members again reaffirmed not to leave the land and they will fight it come what may. They draw a defense plan. They formed security forces. Unknown to the community organizer, the members sold their livestock and bought guns and ammunitions they will use for defending their life and properties. The leader exclaimed “ pangapinan ang atong katungod” ( defend our rights). Children and their wives were relocated temporarily to a safe place.
“An eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth.” One of the CO described the situation when told to report in one of the meeting. The security forces of the cooperative conducted nightly security check of the area, roving and checking the house of members and if they heard gun shots in the air done by the tanods of the former landowner, they also fired back, sending message that they were not afraid against the provocation. This was the situation every night in the area.
One morning, the laborer of the former landowner plowed the land already cultivated by one of the member of cooperative. Immediately, the other members of the cooperative rushed to the scene and supported the member, thus, confrontation takes form. The administrator of the former landowner reinforces his men with his paid goons. Heated arguments and confrontation followed. The contending groups were both armed, the administrator of the former landowner displayed their guns while the leader of the cooperative draw a line in the ground and warned the administrator and his goons not to cross the line or else blood will flow.
The two contending groups was separated by more or less 50 meters. Slight provocations will ignite a violent and bloody confrontation. Thanks for the urgent intervention of the community organizer, she talked to the laborers and paid goons of the former landowner and explained to them the rights of the members of cooperative as Certificate of Land Ownership Award holder and in effect the new owner of the land. The laborer told the community organizer that the administrator is the one who mobilized them and they only wait for the administrators’ order. The community organizer then talked to the administrator and asked him not to continue his plan of cultivating the land already owned by the ARBs. Negotiations continue until the administrator gave in and talked to his men not to continue their plan. The local police arrived in the area but the tension was already gone. No one in either group complained to the police because of fear that their guns will be confiscated. The nightly events of firing gun shots on the air, flashing lights at the house of members of the cooperative continues.
November 23, 1999, early morning, news broke out of the murder of Mr. Neonito Ordaniel, the chairperson of the cooperative in Lacson Estate in Kanlaon. Right away, the community organizer goes to the area and confirmed the news seeing Nonoys’ body lying with blood stains all over his body. There are markings of stabbing and wounds in different parts of his body. Nonoy was brutally murdered in the middle of the night. He came from the house of one of his member. While walking in the middle of the night along the road surrounded by tall sugar cane plants, he was ambushed by several men and brutally killed him.
On the night of the wake, 7 pm Nov. 23, 1999, the group of community organizer arrived in the house of Nonoy surrounded by sugar cane on one side and germilina trees on the other side located on an isolated place in the hacienda. The body of Nonoy laid in a wooden casket with one baby chick chirping on top of the casket. Local tradition always observed this practice once the person was murdered and no justice yet was served. The wake area located in the backyard and covered by the tent is illuminated by the only lights coming from petromax (gas lamp). Security measures was observed as there are threats that there will be next to be murdered.
In the middle of the night, cracking of germilina twigs was heard prompting the newly formed security force among the ARBs to beam their flashlights on the side of germilina trees and saw a person running away. There are more than twenty persons attending the wake and they decided to go home in the morning instead of in the middle of the night. This is to avoid unexpected to happen again. Five members of ARB carried guns to defend them. The leaders decided to transfer the wake in their training center infront of the outpost of baranggay tanod (barrio police). Farmers from all over the province came during last day of the wake to provide sympathy and support for the family of Nonoy.
Next day, during the burial, the parish priest held a mass. More than two thousand people attended the mass and the procession going to the final resting place of Nonoy. Some group of students and teachers gathered in front of the exhibits displaying pictures of Nonoys body full of blood. One of the teacher exclaimed “this is the work of an evil”, “why did they brutally killed Nonoy? “. Some students broke into tears while looking at the pictures. During the procession, sea of human body lined up and marching silently. This is the first time in Kanlaon city that so many people gathered in sympathy of a dead person. Nonoy is considered a hero of the struggle for agrarian reform in the sugar land. “Nonoys’ death will not cowed determination to continue the struggle” blurted out by one of the leader while hearing memorial service.
The cooperative helped the widow of Nonoy to earn a living to support her children. Five suspects were arrested and jailed. It is almost 9 years but the family of Nonoy has yet to see justice. The wheel of justice is slow in the Philippines.

Solid Waste Management Project

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Mon, 16 Feb 2009 05:30:00 +0000

COMMUNITY– DRIVEN INITIATIVE ON IMPLEMENTING INTEGRATED SOLID WASTE MANAGEMENT PROGRAM

CLARO C. DEGUIT

RATIONALE:

1. The recent over-riding concern and imperative of the producing and the consuming public to address the garbage and rubbish administration problems.
2. The ever-increasing trend of the Solid Wastes volume brought about by the intensifying production and economic activities in the urban and rural areas.
3. The imminent danger and the reality of potential hazards to human health and environment resulting from the improper solid wastes disposal and management.
4. The continued degradation of the agricultural lands due to mismanagement and improper utilization of the agricultural waste materials generated out of the production activities.
5. The great danger of contamination of community water sources and supply due to the leachate produced in the dumping site/areas when the solid waste materials are undergoing decomposition.
6. The lack or absence of discipline and the indifferent attitudes on the part of community residents, farming and producing communities towards solid waste prevention, generation, control and reduction, recovery and disposal.
7. Lack or absence of a collaborative mechanism to ensure active participation of the community residents in the over-all administration of Solid Waste Management.
8. On going effort of the LGUs to execute and implement RA 9003 and other legislated environmental laws aimed at effecting proper Solid Waste Management.
9. The pressing concern of global warming brought about by agricultural production practices and lifestyle resulting to massive emission of methane and carbon-dioxide.

THE PROJECT GOAL

The Project envisioned to establish and operates an effective and efficient community –driven Ecological and Integrated Solid Waste Management mechanism and systems in the target Municipalities/Barangays with the constituents taking it as the free exercise of their fundamental responsibility in the context of pursuing community resource conservation, environment protection, health enhancement and sustainable development.

THE PROJECT OBJECTIVES:

1. To minimize and reduce solid wastes generation at the source level as well as the cost of collection.
2. To maximize the generated volume of Municipal and agricultural solid waste materials for the agricultural production uses, thereby providing the farmers with an alternative inputs, reduce production costs and increase farm yields and household income.
3. To promote and provide additional source of livelihood to the residents and farming households through their direct involvement in the processes of solid wastes recovery, recycling, processing and to its immediate utilization.
4. To install in to the partner communities up to t he households level a workable Solid Waste Management System and Mechanism that is facilitative of attaining a clean, safe and health-enhancing environment.
5. To push for the activation of the law mandated bodies tasked to take charge on Solid Waste Management.
6. To facilitate the institutionalization of public/peoples participation in the development and implementation the community integrated, comprehensive and ecological solid waste management program/plan.
7. To develop the discipline and attitudes of the community residents toward solid waste generation prevention and control, storage and recovery, processing and disposal.
8. To assist in the review and enforcement of the legislated laws for the effective and efficient implementation of Solid Waste Management Program.

THE STAKEHOLDERS:
The Project shall primarily involve the following:
1. The farming households in the target agricultural communities
2. The players/operators in the trading and marketing centers in the target communities.
3. Rural industries, farm workers and operators.
4. The Civil Societies operating in the Area
5. The Respective LGUs concerned.
The immediate target areas and groups to be engaged shall depend on the existing efforts and priority areas of the LGUs and the concerned NGOs/RDIs.

STRATEGIES AND PROGRAM COMPONENTS

General Approach:

PROCESS- KEEN AND PARTICIPATORY APPROACH TO ECOLOGICAL AND INTEGRATED SOLID WASTE MANAGEMENT

Action Program Components:

To effectively and efficiently implement Solid Waste Management Campaign Program, operation of the following components and sub-components are highly recommended and be taken cared of:

A. EDUCATION AND VALUES CLARIFICATION
1. Situation and Problems appreciation
2. Values and Cultural clarification
3. Health and Sanitation
4. Relevant laws and legislations
5. SWM Orientation and Program Unification
6. Facilitation of Education Tour on SWM
B. SOCIAL INFRASTRUCTURE BUILDING AND STRENGTHENING
1. Inventory and activation of existing people’s organization
2. Possible formation of needed community organizations
3. Clustering of areas and organizations
4. Multi-Sectoral and Community consultations
5. Task Forces and Technical Teams Creation
C. TECHNICAL AND PHYSICAL INFRASTRUCTURE WORKS
1. Technical knowledge and skills on proper physical administration and handling of solid and toxic/hazardous wastes – from generation to recovery.
2. Setting up of needed facilities/equipment for Wastes segregation and recovery at source. Specific guidelines on storing segregated wastes shall be defined.
3. Setting up of the Systems and Mechanics on Wastes Collection and Transport from source to City/Municipal Solid Wastes Management and Disposal Site. Likewise, specific guideline on collection at source shall be formulated.
4. Building construction and installation of physical facilities and equipment required for the recovery of solid materials, processing and composting of degradable materials, disposals of non-degradable materials and hazardous wastes at the WMD Site. The design and lay out would be based on set Wastes Management Process Flow.
5. For the farming barangays, a community composting site and MRFs can be set up separately to facilitate income of the brgy out of the recovered materials. This is optional.
6. Setting up of operating structures that would ensure smooth flow of Wastes from the source up to the WMD site.
D. PUBLIC ADVOCACY SUPPORT, COOPERATION AND ENFORCEMENT
1. Promotion of SWM principles, practices and discipline into a way of life. ( LGU Officials and NGO Personnel setting as models)
2. Public legislation, local ordinance formulation relative to SWM.
3. Definition of penalties and fines for any violations of the defined and unified SWM laws and ordinances.
4. Publication of SWM Primers and placing of Bill Boards in strategic and conspicuous areas.
5. Creation of Advocacy and Enforcement bodies and the mobilization of the existing Local and Law mandated enforcement bodies.

E. UTILIZATION AND DISTRIBUTION OF PROCESSED WASTES
1. An authorized group or PO/Coop shall be designated to operate and administer the processing and distribution of the processed wastes.
2. A reasonable sharing scheme would be defined to apportion among the stakeholders the benefits and proceeds out of the sales/disposals of the processed wastes.
3. Capability and skills training shall be given to the designated Coop/PO for it to effectively and efficiently administer the waste recovery and processing as well as the distribution/marketing of the processed wastes.
4. Assisting the Coop in promoting, locating and coordinating the possible buyers/users of the processed waste.
5. Creation of Tripartite Monitoring and Consultative Body on the WM at Site.

ON PROJECT ADMINISTRATION
The Solid Waste Management Project implementation shall take to consider and carry the following management functions:

ADMINISTRATIVE STRUCTURE AND OPERATING UNITS

1. Activation of the mandated City/Municipal Solid Waste Management Board as policy making body.
2. Creation of City/Municipal Executive Committee and needed Technical Teams as implementing bodies and operating units.
3. Creation of SWM Districts/Brgy Cluster Units to facilitate and ensure SWM program implementation, monitoring and coordination.
4. Creation of SWM Committees at the Brgy level under BDC to ensure SWM Program direct operation.
5. Household Clustering for program/project cooperation, enforcement and monitoring within the parameters of Purok operation.

PROJECT POLICIES, SYSTEMS and PROCEDURES

1. Definition of Tasks, Functions and Responsibilities of all the operating bodies/units.
2. Policies and guidelines on workers hiring including job specification and compensation package.
3. Formulation of MOA among the stakeholders involve in the decisive implementation of SWM Project.
4. Formulation of the SWM Project Operation Manual – detailed
5. Institutionalization of local ordinances relative to SWM operation including the definition of offenses and the corresponding penalties, fine and rewards scheme.

FINANCE, LOGISTICS, TECHNICAL AND PERSONNEL SUPPORT

1. Mobilization of the available and allocated resources from the LGUs and Line Agencies concerned.
2. Tapping and mobilizing the technical expertise from the different GLAs.
3. Tapping the personnel and technical support of the NGOs operating in the area.
4. Mobilization of resources from the households and the different establishments operating in the area.
5. Maximization of the finance generated out of the proceeds from recovered and processed wastes.
6. Collection fees may be collected from the wastes generators at all levels
7. Ensure collection of fines to all generators that committed violations.

PROJECT IMPLEMENTATION AND OPEARATION PROCESS

In achieving common goal and objectives, full support and cooperation among the community constituents concern is a must. However, constituents support and cooperation could only be possible, provided, the Stakeholdership Spirit is cultivated and developed among them. People give so much concern and value on the things that they themselves own. In this case, the people of Ormoc City should be claiming that the Integrated Ecological Solid Waste Management Project to be implemented is THEIR’S.
Following this premise, to ensure people’s participation and commitment, it is highly suggested that the project shall be implemented in a process-keen and participatory approach. This will be done in the entire project cycle such as the components identified below:
1. Planning process – this generally involves steps on Situation Analysis and Problems identification, Goal Setting and Action Projects Identification and Strategy/Approach Formulation. This will be done through the community processes.
2. Implementation process – this is putting into motion the defined and unified goals and action projects/activities in the Planning process. All activities will be done deliberately and voluntarily by the stakeholders of the project.
3. Monitoring and Troubleshooting – this is to provide periodic and timely guidance and supervision on the project and immediately resolve problems that will be encountered in the implementation process. Monitoring and feed backing mechanism will be put in place down to the community level.
4. Evaluation and Review Planning Sessions – this is to determine the level of accomplishments attained by the project and identify limitations of the project and define what needs to be done in the next operation period. This can be done semi-annually and at the end of the year. The processing shall commence from the community level.
Short-term and long-term plans can be formulated and be divided into sub-time frame with focus outputs distributed into implementation phases.
To work on these processes cited in this paper, a Tactical Technical Working Group can be formed and functions until the required working mechanisms are put in place. MORE POWER TO EVERYONE! ! !

System of Rice Intensification

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Mon, 16 Feb 2009 05:30:00 +0000

SRI or System Intensification of Rice is a methodology for increasing the productivity of irrigated rice cultivation by changing the management of plants, soil, water and nutrients. SRI practices lead to healthier, more productive soil and plants by supporting greater root growth and by nurturing the abundance and diversity of soil organisms. The agroecological principles that contribute to SRI effectiveness have good scientific bases. SRI concepts and methods have been successfully adapted to upland unirrigated rice, and they are now being extrapolated to other crops like millet, wheat and sugar cane.

SRI does not require the purchase of new seeds or the use of new high-yielding varieties. Although the highest yields with SRI have been obtained from improved varieties, most traditional or local varieties of rice respond well to SRI practices and command a higher market price. And while chemical fertilizer and agrochemicals can be applied with SRI, their use is not required as organic materials (compost, manure or any decomposed vegetation) can give good or even better results at low cost. Farmers report that when SRI methods are used correctly, rice plants are better able to resist damage from pests and diseases, reducing or eliminating need for agrochemical protection.

Because plant populations are greatly reduced with SRI, seed costs are cut by 80-90%, and because paddy fields are not kept continuously flooded, there are water savings of 25 to 50%, a major benefit in many places. However, cessation of flooding means that increased weeding is required. If this is done with soil-aerating implements like a rotating hoe, this cost has a benefit of enhanced crop production.
Sources: for more info: http://ciifad.cornell.edu

MASIPAG Rice Technology

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Mon, 16 Feb 2009 05:29:00 +0000

THE PRDCI EXPERIENCE IN PANAY

By Agnes Españo-Dimzon

"IF YOU DON'T USE chemical fertilizer, your rice will become bonsai."

This was the initial response of farmers when the Panay Rural Development Center Inc (PRDCI) began promoting the MASIPAG Rice Technology (MRT) back in 1996. The organization found it difficult to wean farmers away from chemical-based farming because they have gotten used to it even if high production costs have become prohibitive. They did not believe that organic inputs could actually work.

But now, more and more farmers are adopting the technology because they have seen its benefits not only on their household income but on their health and the environment as well.

MASIPAG means Magsasaka at Siyentipiko para sa Ikauunlad ng Agham Pang-agrikultura, a group of farmers advocating for sustainable agriculture. With its components covering seed variety, farming system and management of the land, MRT as a technology aimed to increase the productivity specially of small rice farmer-producers through environment-friendly methods. Increasing productivity means reducing cost of production, increasing yield and regenerating soil quality. With PRDCI, it had become part of the Integrated Diversified Farming System (IDFS) approach in developing small farmholdings that constitute the majority of the organization's farmer cooperators.

PRDCI's objective is to widely propagate the use of the MRT technology and make it strong enough to influence the rice industry towards environment-friendly and sustainable farming in Iloilo province. Iloilo is considered as the rice bowl of Western Visayas which is the third largest rice producing region in the country.

PRDCI project areas are basically rice farming communities and rice farmers are main partners. It uses IDFS as a strategy for diversification and integration to raise farmer's productivity and income, prevent soil erosion and increase vegetation. The different farming technologies are the MRT, System of Rice Intensification (SRI), Bio-Intensive Gardening (BIG), and Sloping Agricultural Land Technology (SALT) for upland areas.

In order to achieve the three IDFS objectives, PRDCI encouraged its farmer partners to cultivate a combination of crops. In the upland areas were planted short gestation crops like vegetables, corn and root crops; perennial crops like timber and fruit trees; and forage crops like flamengia, renzonii and napier which were used to feed livestock. They also planted kakawate, ipil-ipil and tanglad or lemon grass that were used as raw materials for bioinsecticiding the farm. In the lowland areas were planted rice intercropped with vegetables. Lowland farmers also raised poultry, pigs, goats and other animals that are good sources of manure. Ducks were used as weeders and golden snail controllers. They raised freshwater fish in areas where there was adequate water.

Integrated Diversified Farming System (IDFS) makes good use of different farming technologies such as Masipag Rice Technology (MRT), System of Rice Intensification (SRI), Bio-Intensive Gardening (BIG), and Sloping Agricultural Land Technology (SALT)

MRT utilized indigenous rice varieties which were known to be more resistant to pests like tungro compared with those produced by the government-recognized International Rice Research Institute (IRRI) and PhilRice.

SRI used transplanting to grow more rice stalks from only about five to 10 kgs of seeds of selected indigenous rice varieties.

BIG used kakawate leaves, rice straw and pig and chicken manure as fertilizer for vegetable gardens. Rice bran is used to feed animals and fish.

SALT combined the propagation of vegetables, root crops, fruit trees, other vegetation as well as animals to maximize production of food crops and prevent of the hillsides.

Reasons to Smile

PANAY Rural Development Center Inc (PRDCI) technicians taught the farmers how to produce foliar fertilizers and bioinsecticides from the leaves of herbs and other indigenous plants growing in their backyards. PRDCI started implementing MRT in 1996 as soon as the organization became an "independent rural development institute" under the PhilNet-RDI umbrella. Barangay Tabucan in Barotac Nuevo was the first site. By the end of 1996, the area was expanded to include Tinurian and Monpon. In the same year also, PRDCI acquired funding for its first land and water resources development project with nine barangays of Janiuay and Maasin as the defined project areas. These barangays fall within the upper Suague watershed. The micro watersheds of Sorsogon and Caraudan creeks were identified for area development and MRT was a major program component.

PRDCI had 1,013 farmer-cooperators spread among the 55 barangays of its six project-covered municipalities (Janiuay, Badiangan, Maasin, Mina, Pototan and New Lucena; Barotac Nuevo and Dumangas were retained as service areas).

In 2004, PRDCI marked an 11.5 percent increase in the income of farming households every year since 1999 compared with the years before MRT was implemented.

Through the years, adjustments and innovations in the technology and the system of implementation were made to adapt to the needs that surfaced in the project communities.

Noe Ciasico, PRDCI technician, said, an almost 50 percent decrease in production was observed when non-application of chemical fertilizer was strictly followed in the first mass production. Some PRDCI farmer-cooperators adopted Low External Input For Sustainable Agriculture (LEISA) which followed the 70 percent organic to 30 percent inorganic fertilizer methods in order to limit the decrease in production on a minimal level. Ciasico added, through LEISA, the soil can be slowly weaned away from chemicals until it has sufficiently recovered to tolerate zero input of chemicals.

Still, in its end-of-term report in 2004, PRDCI recorded a marked decrease in the use of chemical-based fertilizers, pesticides and herbicides among its farmer cooperators.

To widen its reach to include more farmers, PRDCI allowed non-members of organizations to put up trial farms and verify seeds. Farmers who have not gone into trial farms were allowed to verify seed as long as the seeds were tested in adjacent trial farms.

Ciasico reported, some farmer-cooperators practiced direct seeding instead of recommended transplanting method in order to lessen their expenses. But the same farmers agreed, they eventually have to follow the required transplanting method.

Farmer-cooperator Jaime Mirar of barangay Bongol in Janiuay believed that transplanting helped control the spread of pests and diseases.

But the major factor why farmers could sustain the transplanting method was the lack of adequate water supply. Most farms in these PRCI-covered areas were rainfed.

Woman farmer Cecilia Barranco of barangay Mangil, also of Januiay, said that she usually could not apply organic fertilizer on time when there was not enough water which happens usually during the second cropping.

Instead of the communal seed banking, almost 90 percent of the FCs chose to have their individual seed banks, thus making them less dependent on seed growers. This also made it easy for them to find and gather more indigenous seeds.

PRDCI began teaching SRI along with the MRT method to its farmer-cooperators in 2004. During the same year, the organization intensified its campaign for the use of organic fertilizer by propagating vermicomposting in the production of organic fertilizer. It distributed African night crawler earthworms for FCs to produce organic fertilizer in their own backyards.

This was to answer the need for a steady source of organic fertilizer. But quite a number of farmer still run short of this valuable farm input.

In 2005, PRDCI signed a memorandum of agreement with the local organization Sitio Ambolong Young and Old Association (SAYOA) for the latter to handle a vermicomposting project. The two entities entered into another MOA with the local government of Janiuay and the Janiuay Market Vendors Association for the garbage from the market area to be collected and processed in a production center in sitio Ambolong in barangay Bongol. The center was equipped with a garbage shredder and compost tanks and was intended to become a showcase site for the processing of fertilizer and organic vegetable production in the months onwards.

Now, MRT farmers have another reason smile. Organically-grown rice have started to occupy the frontshelves of big grocery stores in Iloilo City and a number of university and hospital cooperatives are making regular orders for the daily consumption of their clients and members.

A Triumph of Blood, Sweat and Pure Synergy (A day in the life of a development worker)

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Mon, 16 Feb 2009 05:28:00 +0000

CANLAON CITY – It was the 8th of July, 1999. I woke up at 3:30 in the morning, took breakfast at four, and got a taxi to catch up with the first-trip bus bound for Toledo City, south of Cebu, The Philippines. While on a two-hour journey, thoughts on what could happen in the next few days, weeks, months and years to the fate of agrarian reform beneficiaries (ARBs) of Carolina Lacson Estate located at barangay Mabigo II, Kanlaon City, Negros Oriental, occupied my mind. One hundred thirty-two ARBs wanted the 208 hectares of land planted to sugarcane former owners, the Lacson family, branded by their enemies as one of a few traditionally despotic sugar planters in Oriental.

I arrived in Toledo City way past 7 AM only to be transferred to a boat for another two-hour cruise to San Carlos City, and then to another bus at 9:30 AM for a full-hour ride here to Kanlaon City. It was a cold morning and you can smell the morning breeze while passing through the mountainous terrain and zigzag roads toward the Mount Kanlaon’s haven.

The ARBs were gathered in the backyard of one of the leaders when we arrived. Tension was high seeing the farmers tuck in their bolos and spading on their waists. Their women were busy preparing balinghoy (cassava) and bulad (dried fish) for lunch. After the usual warm welcome by the local folks, the meeting begun.
Presiding over the emotion-filled meeting was the ARB chairman, Neonito “Nonoy” Ordaniel, as threats from the former landowner that they would be arrested once the installation to the land pushed through, kept on coming. Ordaniel commenced with a mouthful of legalese: “We have evidence to prove our claims; we are not violating any laws. We had in our possession the certificate of land ownership award (CLOA), together with the certificate of deposit as proof that the government, through the Land Bank of the Philippines (LBP), had already paid the Lacsons their just compensation.”
One farmer declared: “Ngano man mahadlok ta nga aduna man tay legal nga basehanan (Why are we afraid, we have all the legal bases)?” To which a woman responded, by asking: “Andam ba ta tanan nga mapreso” (Are we prepared to be imprisoned)? A moment of silence ensued, only to be broken by another courageous voice who shouted back: “Dili ta mahadlok nga mapreso… Padayon (Don’t be afraid, let’s go on with the plan)!” The ARBs agreed; they yelled back in chorus: “Padayon!” The collective sentiments of the organization sealed their determination and readiness to face any eventualities, come what may.

Land Struggle Campaign.....the breaktrough

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Mon, 16 Feb 2009 05:27:00 +0000

Day before the installation, together with the organizer of NIRD and Philnet, the San Francisco Multipurpose Cooperative SFAWMULCO hold a meeting to finalize the plan for the actual takeover of the Carolina Lacson estate. They call this meeting a tactic sessions – where they plan in details on how they will enter the area, the entry points, the site of makeshift stage, the program of the formal turnover of Certificate of Land Ownership Award (CLOA), and the formation of different committees including the food preparation and the detailed plan of the committee on security.

On the night before the installation, 11:00 in the evening, some 35 members gathered for the final preparation for tomorrow’s activity. The committee on security makes a round of the area to ensure that no unwelcome visitors will sabotage their preparation. Six members were busy, continue and alternately rotating the bamboo pole with 3 pigs above the burning charcoal. The 3 roasted pigs will be served for the activity.

News broke out, reported by the chair of security committee that goons of the former landowner arrived in the area aside from the 20 ronda (security personnel of the landholding). Tension begins to rise. One group of 3 members verified the news while the composite team in charge of defense alerted other members in the community. The in-charge of food continue their task of preparing the roasted pig and puso (cooked rice in coconut leaves). Past midnight, seeing nothing happened, the community organizer of NIRD (Negros Oriental Institute for Rural Development, Inc.) prepared to go back to their office. While walking in the middle of the night, they passed through the roads surrounded by sugarcanes and no lights guiding in their path. They mutter to each other “God help us that nothing will happen to us on our way home”. They arrived safely.

Early morning of July 10, 1999, members of SFAWMULCO (San Francisco Muli-purpose Cooperative) start arriving in group and others came with their children in tow. About 70 ARBs were sitting facing the makeshift stage inside the tolda (tent). Local police was invited and arrived at 10:00 am, immediately talked to the Chairperson and NIRD organizer. They discussed on what to do to maintain peace and order in the area while the activity is going on. Monsignor Modesto, the parish priest of Kanlaon City also came. Thirty minutes later truckloads of ARBs arrived. They came from the nearby town of Guihulngan and from as far as the town of Mabinay arrived to provide support for the activity and to provide warm bodies to counter any attempts of the former landowner to use their goons to stop the installation. Media people coming all the way from Dumaguete City, 120 kilometers away from Kanlaon likewise arrived to cover the activity. No representative coming from the Department of Agrarian Reform (DAR) as expected.

Monsignor Modesto begins the Mass. During the homily he told the ARBs “ the Lord gave you this land, till these land, love this land, develop this land, because this land will give you food to feed your family, send your children to school and provide you shelter that is comfortable to live in”. He gave blessings for the members. After the mass, the good Monsignor Modesto turned over the CLOA to the ARBs as proof of ownership of the Lacson Estate. The DAR is supposedly the one who will hand over the CLOA but they refuse fearing that they will be sued by the former land owner. The cutting of ribbon (sugarcane leaves and flowers) was done next after turning over of CLOA. The ARBs do the groundbreaking by planting banana and different crops in the boundaries and do the symbolic plowing and harrowing of the land.

The tense feeling subsided seeing nobody from the landowners’ men came. After the groundbreaking, you can see the sweet smile of the chairperson, the cheerful faces of the members, the festive mood of the crowd gathered to watch this historic event in their simple and serene community. This is the beginning of their new life as the new owner of Lacson Estate.

Before feasting on the prepared food, the good monsignor led the prayer to thank God, they can now peacefully partake the food that is not possible if something untoward incident happened.

THE ROLE OF SUSTAINABLE AGRICULTURE IN CHANGING CLIMATE

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Sun, 01 Feb 2009 01:59:00 +0000

Short Backgrounder

Basically: Human existence and activities revolve around the economic-agricultural works

The Fact: Civilization and Industrialization had started and taken off from the development of Agricultural Production.

In the turn of Centuries: The farm – crops production had been developed into Corporate Agri-Business Production or Commercial Farm Plantations with the aims such as:

> feeding the increasing world population
> mass food production
> great profits and income

* What are Required:

> High advancement of production technologies
> Development of modern and automated machines
> Setting up of Processing and Manufacturing Plants
> Mass production of petro-chem - based Agri- inputs
> Massive supply of fuel/oil for machines/plants operations
> Development of roads and transports and storage systems
> Vast forest lands and plains were being converted into
mono-crop commercial farms

*What have been the Results:

>Excessive extraction and abusive use of our Basic Natural
Productive Resources.
>These led to the wanton destruction of our environment – ecological
balance including the atmosphere.
- Eroded and barren soil
- Denuded forests- no more vegetative cover
- Flash floods
-Typhoons
-Droughts
- Landslides
- Unpredictable weather condition
- Huge generation of wastes
- Enormous emissions of air pollutant gasses
- Water source contamination

Over all Context

These Contributed in creating the present, pressing Global Alarming Condition:

CLIMATE CHANGE
AND
GLOBAL WARMING

WHAT IS THE DYNAMIC OF THE LIVING EARTH?

From Greenhouse to Green Fields Organic farming takes a swing at the greenhouse effect and wins

The global breath: The movement of carbon on the planet can be compared to a global breath. Like any living creature, the earth's "inhale" must be equal to its "exhale" for optimum health.

Is it getting warmer in here? The "exhale" is outpacing the "inhale" and we're feeling the effects of too much CO2 in the atmosphere--global warming.

If we continue to spew CO2 into the air at the current rate, the results will be disastrous. In just 100 years, the global temperature will rise as much as 2.5°C.

The good news: We can reverse global warming by increasing the "inhale". Scientists have already determined that if we increase the amount of plants and reduce the amount of CO2-releasing industries, we may be able to swing the balance. But, both avenues require massive changes in social and industrial structures, not to mention money.

The better news: Organic agriculture can begin to substantially reduce CO2 in the atmosphere while we work on the other options mentioned above.
Why specifically ORGANIC agriculture? All agriculture takes CO2 out of the atmosphere. But, organic agriculture does it at as much as 3 times the rate of conventional agriculture.
The 23-year The Rodale Institute Farming Systems Trial® found the conventional agriculture system sequestered (stored in the soil) just 303 pounds of carbon per soil acre foot. The organic agriculture system based on a legume cover crop and diversified rotation sequestered 594 pounds of carbon per soil acre foot. And the organic agriculture system based on a manure application and diversified rotation sequestered 1,019 pounds of carbon per soil acre foot.

Another reason: Not only does organic agriculture take CO2 out of the atmosphere at a higher rate than conventional agriculture, but the system releases less CO2 into the air through the very nature of the process.

Industry releases CO2 to produce chemical fertilizers and herbicides that conventional agriculture requires. Since organic agriculture uses neither of these inputs, the net release of CO2 is much less.
How exactly does organic agriculture pull CO2 out of the air and capture it as carbon in the soil?
Growing cover crops ensures fields never lay fallow. The more green material growing, the more photosynthesis takes place. More photosynthesis means more CO2 is removed from the environment.
Organic agriculture systems often rely on compost and animal manures for increasing soil organic matter.

More organic matter means the soil can hold onto and make useful the carbon that is sequestered.

Utilizing compost and animal manures also practices recycling. What would be considered parts of the global "exhale"--dead plant matter and animal wastes--become components of the "inhale"--organic matter in the soil.
Diversified crop rotations are also an essential part of organic agriculture and part of the carbon sequestration cycle. Well-planned rotations of various crops through the fields ensures beneficial micro organisms a healthy environment, and assists in converting and stabilizing soil carbon.
From Greenhouse to Green Fields Organic farming takes a swing at the greenhouse effect and wins

Organic agriculture puts the "black" back into the soil
Burning converts carbon and oxygen into CO2 often released as a black gas.

Photosynthesis converts CO2 back into carbon matter and releases the oxygen.
Soil full of organic matter holds the carbon in the ground.
The air is cleaner, the soil is healthier and the earth is on its way to recovery.

On Sustainable Livelihood and Enterprise Development

The General Framework: Sustainable Development

Sustainable Development is a pattern of resource use that aims to meet human needs while preserving the natural environment so that these needs can be met not only in the present, but in the indefinite future.

Three Constituent Pillars

SUSTAINABILITY CHALLENGES IN BUSINESS

How to Measure Business/Livelihood Sustainability
Process Flow Accounting
Approach

> Materials and Energy Flow Accounting

Process Flow Accounting
(Project Operation)

Basic Principles on Sustainable Organic Agriculture
1. Principle of Health
2. Principle of Ecology
3. Principle of Fairness
4. Principle of Care