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FROM DEVELOPMENT TO DEMOCRACY -LESSON FROM INDONESIA

noreply@blogger.com (Caping Gunung) — Sat, 30 May 2009 02:43:00 +0000

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http://www.slideshare.net/Ginandjar/from-development-to-democracy-lesson-from-indonesia

1. PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION: CONCEPTS AND PRACTICE VIII. FROM DEVELOPMENT TO DEMOCRACY LESSON FROM INDONESIA Graduate School of Asia and Pacific Studies University of Waseda, Tokyo-JAPAN 2008
2. CONTENTS THE INDONESIAN ARCHIPELAGO FROM STAR-PERFORMER TO SICK MAN LESSON FROM INDONESIA REGIME CHANGE IN INDONESIA NEW ORDER GOVERNMENT: A SUCCESS STORY THE ECONOMIC CRISIS THE FALL OF THE NEW ORDER EXPLAINING THE DEMISE THE CHALLENGES OF DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE www.ginandjar.com 2
3. www.ginandjar.com 3
4. The Indonesian Archipelago p g a country of 220 million (as of 2003). hi l an archipelago strung 5000 kil t t kilometers along the equator. l th t more than 13,000 islands, 5,000 are inhabited. more than 200 ethnic groups and 350 languages and dialects. 85 to 90% are Muslims Muslims. www.ginandjar.com 4

5. FROM STAR-PERFORMER TO SICK MAN THE 1997 ASIAN FINANCIAL CRISIS AFFECTED A NUMBER OF THE SO CALLED ASIAN TIGERS BUT SO-CALLED RESERVED ITS STRONGEST, AND MOST LASTING, IMPACT FOR INDONESIA. THAT COUNTRY’S INDONESIA COUNTRY S ECONOMIC IMPLOSION CAUGHT OBSERVERS AND ANALYSTS BY SURPRISE BECAUSE FEW THOUGHT THAT THE INDONESIAN ECONOMY WAS PARTICULARLY VULNERABLE TO A FINANCIAL COLLAPSE. www.ginandjar.com 5
6. ADMITTEDLY, INDONESIA’S ECONOMIC PERFORMANCE DID NOT MATCH THAT OF THE EARLY EAST ASIAN DEVELOPERS SUCH AS SINGAPORE, HONG KONG, TAIWAN AND ESPECIALLY KOREA, BUT ITS ECONOMIC ACHIEVEMENTS, PARTICULARLY IN THE LATTER HALF OF THE 1980S AND THROUGH THE EARLY 1990S, EARNED INDONESIA INCREASING RESPECT FROM THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY . www.ginandjar.com 6
7. INDEED DURING THE PERIOD FROM MID 1985 WHEN INDEED, MID-1985, A NUMBER OF MAJOR POLICY REFORMS WERE PUT INTO PLACE, TO MID 1997, WHEN THE ECONOMIC MID-1997, CRISIS TOOK ITS TOLL, INDONESIA’S ECONOMIC PERFORMANCE SUGGESTED THAT IT WAS WELL ON ITS WAY TO JOINING THE RANKS OF THE “ASIAN TIGERS.” INDONESIA’S REAL GDP/CAPITA INCOME, GREW AT A RATE THAT MATCHED THAT OF THE RAPIDLY GROWING ASIAN ECONOMIES ESPECIALLY MALAYSIA ECONOMIES, AND KOREA, ALTHOUGH INDONESIA’S GROWTH BEGAN FROM A LOWER ABSOLUTE PER CAPITA INCOME LEVEL. LEVEL www.ginandjar.com 7
8. IT IS PERHAPS NOT SURPRISING THEN THAT MANY ANALYSTS, ENCOURAGED BY THE IMPROVEMENTS THEY OBSERVED IN INDONESIA’S ECONOMIC MANAGEMENT AND THE RESULTS ACHIEVED IN TERMS OF RAPID GROWTH STRUCTURAL CHANGE AND GROWTH, POVERTY ALLEVIATION, PRAISED INDONESIA AS ONE OF ASIA S SUCCESS STORIES. ASIA’S STORIES www.ginandjar.com 8
9. THE 1997 GLOBAL COMPETITIVENESS REPORT POINTED OUT THAT BRAZIL, CHINA, INDIA AND INDONESIA, THE “GOLIATH DEVELOPING COUNTRIES ” HAD COUNTRIES,” “TAKEN IMPORTANT STRIDES IN ECONOMIC REFORM IN THE PAST DECADE AND ALL EXCEPT INDIA ADVANCED DECADE, IN … THE COMPETITIVENESS RANKING” THE REPORT SHOWED THAT INDONESIA’S GLOBAL INDONESIA S COMPETITIVENESS RANKING ROSE FROM THIRTIETH PLACE IN 1995 TO FIFTEENTH PLACE IN 1996, PLACING IT IMMEDIATELY BEHIND JAPAN. www.ginandjar.com 9
10. IT WAS ALSO DURING THE 1990s WHEN INDONESIA 1990s, SEEMED ON A FAST DEVELOPMENT TRACK, THAT ITS ECONOMIC POLICIES WERE HELD UP AS AN OBJECT LESSON FOR OTHER DEVELOPING COUNTRIES. INDONESIA, WHICH HAD PUT INTO PLACE MANY OF THE POLICY PRESCRIPTIONS THAT CLOSELY RESEMBLED THE O C SC O S C OS S “WASHINGTON CONSENSUS,” WAS CONSIDERED AN APPROPRIATE ROLE MODEL BECAUSE IT HAD MANAGED TO SHIFT FROM A RELATIVELY CLOSED ECONOMY WITH STRONG PROTECTION FOR NEARLY ALL DOMESTIC SECTORS TO A MORE OPEN ECONOMY THAT WAS INCREASINGLY ABLE TO COMPETE IN THE GLOBAL MARKET. www.ginandjar.com 10
11. BUT BY THE END OF THE DECADE A VERY DIFFERENT VIEW EMERGED. ALTHOUGH A NUMBER OF THE ASIAN MIRACLE ECONOMIES WERE SEVERELY AFFECTED BY THE ASIAN FINANCIAL CRISIS, INDONESIA FARED WORST, QUICKLY TURNING FROM A “STAR PERFORMER” TO STAR PERFORMER THE “SICK MAN” OF EAST ASIA. ITS ECONOMY PROVED LESS RESILIENT TO THE ASIAN FINANCIAL TURMOIL THAN OTHER ASIAN ECONOMIES AND ITS RECOVERY HAS BEEN SLOWER AND MORE HESITANT THAN THAT OF THE OTHER AFFECTED ASIAN COUNTRIES. www.ginandjar.com 11
12. GIVEN INDONESIA’S ECONOMIC TRACK RECORD OVER THE PERIOD BETWEEN 1985 AND 1997, SOME OBSERVERS THOUGHT IT PUZZLING THAT THE ECONOMY WOULD SUFFER SUCH A SEVERE AND SUDDEN COLLAPSE WHEN FACED WITH AN EXTERNAL SHOCK SHOCK. A NUMBER OF STYLIZED MODELS HAVE BEEN PUT FORWARD TO EXPLAIN THE DEPTH AND SPREAD OF THE ASIAN CRISIS, PARTICULARLY RELEVANT TO INDONESIA. www.ginandjar.com 12
13. DESPITE THE DIFFERING DESCRIPTIONS OF THE ORIGINS OF THE FINANCIAL CRISIS, THE CORE OF MANY EXPLANATIONS IS THE ASSUMPTION THAT THE ECONOMIC SYSTEM WAS LESS WELL MANAGED THAN THE MAJOR ECONOMIC INDICATORS SUGGESTED. www.ginandjar.com 13
14. RATHER THE LESSON TO BE LEARNED IS THAT BASIC MACROECONOMIC INDICATORS OFTEN FAIL TO REFLECT THE GROWING WEAKNESSES (OR STRENGTHS) OF THE NATIONAL POLITICAL AND SOCIAL INFRASTRUCTURE THAT PROVIDE THE ESSENTIAL FRAMEWORK FOR SUSTAINED ECONOMIC GROWTH. www.ginandjar.com 14
15. THE COLLAPSE OF THE INDONESIAN ECONOMY ILLUSTRATES THE NEED FOR COMBINING MEASURES OF GLOBALIZATION AND INTERNATIONAL INTEGRATION WITH A CONCERTED EFFORT TO STRENGTHEN INSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORKS SUCH AS AN FRAMEWORKS, INDEPENDENT AND REASONABLY COMPETENT JUDICIARY, JUDICIARY STRENGTHENED CORPORATE GOVERNANCE AND BANKING SECTOR OVERSIGHT, AS WELL AS A POLITICAL SYSTEM OPEN TO CHANGE. CHANGE www.ginandjar.com 15
16. WHAT APPEARED TO MANY TO BE AN ECONOMY THAT HAD A REASONABLE RECORD OF SUCCESSFUL ECONOMIC MANAGEMENT WAS IN FACT A POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC SYSTEM WHOSE STRENGTHS AND INSTITUTIONAL BASE HAD BEEN WEAK AND PROGRESSIVELY WEAKENED BY THE CRISIS. www.ginandjar.com 16
17. LESSON FROM INDONESIA
18. Regime Change in Indonesia Sukarno Suharto August 1945 - March March 1968 - May 1998 1968 Elected by MPRS Elected by the PPKI Resigned under pressure Impeached by MPRS Abdurrahman Wahid B.J. Habibie October 1999 – July May 1998-October 1999 2001 Accountability Speech Elected by MPR Rejected Impeached by MPR Declined to run for President Megawati Susilo Bambang July 2001 – October Yudhoyono 2004 October 2004 – 2009 Elected by MPR Directly elected Lost election to SBY www.ginandjar.com 18
19. NEW ORDER GOVERNMENT: A SUCCESS STORY DEVELOPMENT TRILOGY 1. STABILITY 2. ROWTH 3 EQUITY 3. www.ginandjar.com 19
20. POLITICAL STABILITY THE NEW ORDER GOVERNMENT UNDER PRESIDENT SUHARTO GOVERNNED INDONESIA FOR 32 YEARS (1966-1998) FROM THE BEGINNING POLITICAL STABILITY WAS RELENTLESSLY PURSUED AND SUCCESSFULLY MAINTAINED THE MILITARY, THE BUREAUCRACY AND GOLKAR (THE GOVERNMENT’S PARTY) CONSTITUTED THE POLITICAL PILLARS OF THE NEW ORDER THE FLOATING MASS DEPOLITICIZING OF THE MASSES, CONSTITUTED , AN IMPORTANT ASPECT OF THE POLITICAL STRATEGY TO SUSTAIN LONG-TERM POLITICAL STABILITY. THE POLITICAL SYSTEM HAD PRODUCED THE INTENDED RESULT: POLITICAL STABILITY THAT HAD ENDURED FOR THREE DECADES, SUSTAINING ECONOMIC GROWTH WHICH IN TURN FURTHER REINFORCED ITS CLAIM TO LEGITIMACY. LEGITIMACY www.ginandjar.com 20
21. ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT POLITICAL STABILITY ASSURED, AND WITH UNIFORMITY OF PURPOSE AND METHOD THE NEW ORDER EARNESTLY EMBARKED ON ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT, WHICH WAS WIDELY CONSIDERED AS SUCCESSFUL USING VARIOUS STANDARD OF MEASUREMENTS www.ginandjar.com 21
22. EAST ASIAN MIRACLE THE ECONOMIC PERFORMANCE OF PRE-CRISIS INDONESIA COULD BE SEEN AS PART OF A GENERAL PATTERN OF SUCCESSFUL ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN ASIA. HPAES ARE: JAPAN (THE LEADER) HONG KONG, THE REP. OF KOREA, SINGAPORE AND TAIWAN (THE FOUR TIGERS ). INDONESIA, MALAYSIA AND THAILAND (NEWLY INDUSTRIALIZING , ECONOMIES OF SOUTHEAST ASIA / NIE). www.ginandjar.com 22
23. SINCE 1960 THE HPAES HAVE GROWN MORE THAN: TWICE AS FAST AS THE REST OF EAST ASIA. ASIA THREE TIMES AS FAST AS LATIN AMERICA AND SOUTH ASIA. www.ginandjar.com 23
24. CHARACTERISTICS HIGH AVERAGE RATE OF ECONOMIC GROWTH DECLINING INCOME INEQUALITY. RAPID PRODUCTIVITY GROWTH. HIGH RATES OF GROWTH OF MANUFACTURED EXPORTS. DECLINES IN FERTILITY. C S HIGH GROWTH RATES OF PHYSICAL CAPITAL, SUPPORTED BY HIGH RATES OF DOMESTIC SAVINGS AND INVESTMENT. HIGH INITIAL LEVELS AND GROWTH RATES OF HUMAN CAPITAL. www.ginandjar.com 24
25. INDONESIA’S ECONOMIC LIBERALIZATION IN THE EARLY STAGE OF DEVELOPMENT, INDONESIA DEPENDED ON OIL INCOME AND FOREIGN ASSISTANCE. 1980: 1980 INDONESIA EMBARKED ON VARIOUS ECONOMIC REFORMS TO EMBRACE GLOBALIZATION. ELEMENTS OF ECONOMIC LIBERALIZATION PRE-1980. ADOPTION OF AN OPEN CAPITAL ACCOUNT. THE BALANCED BUDGET POLICY. COMPETITIVE REAL EXCHANGE RATE WITH PERIODIC ADJUSTMENTS. www.ginandjar.com 25
26. ELEMENTS OF ECONOMIC LIBERALIZATION POST- 1980: DEREGULATION OF FOREIGN TRADE. REDUCTION AND REMOVAL OF RESTRICTIONS ON FOREIGN DIRECT INVESTMENT. LIBERALIZATION OF FINANCIAL SECTOR. ADOPTION OF A MODERN, SIMPLIFIED TAX SYSTEM. www.ginandjar.com 26
27. THE OUTCOMES RISING PER CAPITA INCOME. DECREASING RATE OF INFLATION INFLATION. INCREASING FOOD SUPPLIES AND THE ATTAINMENT OF RICE SELF-SUFFICIENCY. SELF SUFFICIENCY. A RISING SHARE OF MANUFACTURING OUTPUT IN GDP. SHARPLY DECLINING LEVELS OF POVERTY. www.ginandjar.com 27
28. RISING PER CAPITA INCOME OVER THE PERIOD 1965-95 REAL GDP PER CAPITA GREW AT AN ANNUAL AVERAGE RATE OF 6.6%. 6 6% IN THE MID L960S INDONESIA WAS POORER THAN INDIA. BY MID 1995 INDONESIA S GDP PER CAPITA EXCEEDED $ 1995, INDONESIA’S 1,000, OVER 3 TIMES INDIA’S www.ginandjar.com 28
29. RISING SHARE OF MANUFACTURING OUTPUT IN GDP THE SHARE OF THE MANUFACTURING SECTOR IN GDP ROSE FROM 7 6% IN 1973 TO NEARLY 25% IN 1995. 7.6% 1995 THIS WAS DRIVEN BY THE RAPID GROWTH OF MANUFACTURED EXPORTS NON-OIL EXPORTS, WHICH WERE PREDOMINANTLY MANUFACTURED PRODUCTS, GREW BY ROUGHLY 22% PER ANNUM OVER THE DECADE FROM 1985 WHEN TRADE 1985, LIBERALIZATION WAS FIRST IMPLEMENTED, TO 1995; A RATE FOUR TIMES FASTER THAN THE GROWTH OF WORLD TRADE www.ginandjar.com 29
30. SHARPLY DECLINING LEVELS OF POVERTY The proportion of the population living below the national poverty li fell from around 60% in 1970 to 40% in 1976 to line f ll f d i i 15% in 1990 and to 11.5% in 1996 The Proportion of the Population Living Below f the National Poverty Line 80% 60% 40% 20% 0% 1970 1976 1990 1996 www.ginandjar.com 30
31. ECONOMIC GROWTH AND EQUITY INDONESIA S INDONESIA’S BROAD BASED LABOR ORIENTED GROWTH BASED, LABOR-ORIENTED STRATEGY, BACKED BY A STRONG RECORD IN HUMAN RESOURCE DEVELOPMENT, BROUGHT ABOUT ONE OF THE SHARPEST REDUCTIONS IN POVERTY IN THE DEVELOPING WORLD. AT THE SAME TIME, THIS STRATEGY RESULTED IN REAL WAGES RISING ABOUT AS FAST AS PER-CAPITA GDP AND, AMONG OTHERS, BENEFITED WOMEN BY PROVIDING THEM WITH RAPIDLY GROWING PAID EMPLOYMENT IN THE FORMAL SECTOR THAT SECTOR, ALLOWED THEM TO SWITCH OUT OF UNPAID WORK IN THE RURAL SECTOR. SOCIAL INDICATORS SUCH AS INFANT MORTALITY FERTILITY INDICATORS, MORTALITY, AND SCHOOL ENROLLMENTS, ALSO SHOWED SIGNIFICANT IMPROVEMENT. WORLD BANK DOCUMENT (L997) www.ginandjar.com 31
32. LIFE EXPECTANCY ROSE AND INFANT MORTALITY DECLINED DRAMATICALLY. EIGHT OUT OF TEN OF THE POPULATION HAD ACCESST TO HEALTH CARE AND TWO OUT OF THREE TO SAFE DRINKING WATER. www.ginandjar.com 32
33. INDONESIA IN YEAR 2005 IT WAS PREDICTED THAT BY THE YEAR 2005, INDONESIA’S GDP WOULD HAVE REACHED $2,300, AND INDONESIA WOULD HAVE BECOME A MIDDLE O S O CO INCOME INDUSTRIALIZED COUNTRY BY THEN THE INCIDENCE OF POVERTY WOULD THEN, HAVE BEEN REDUCED TO LESS THAN 5%, WHICH WOULD BE ABOUT THE SAME LEVEL AS OTHER NEWLY INDUSTRIALIZED COUNTRIES www.ginandjar.com 33
34. THE ECONOMIC CRISIS ON 2 JULY 1997, THE CENTRAL BANK OF THAILAND WAS FORCED TO ABANDON ITS FIXED EXCHANGE RATE REGIME AND THE BAHT IMMEDIATELY DEPRECIATED BY ALMOST 20%. AS QUESTIONS BEGAN TO BE RAISED ABOUT THE STRUCTURAL SOUNDNESS OF THE EAST ASIAN ECONOMIES THERE WAS A SUDDEN AND DRAMATIC REVERSAL OF CAPITAL FLOWS AS INFLOWS TURNED INTO MASSIVE CAPITAL OUTFLOWS AND BANKS THAT WERE ONCE EAGER TO LEND TO NEARLY ANY ASIAN INVESTOR SUDDENLY REFUSED TO RENEW SHORT-TERM CREDIT LINES. www.ginandjar.com 34
35. THE CRISIS DURING THE THREE MONTHS BETWEEN JULY AND SEPTEMBER 1997 THE ASIAN FINANCIAL CRISIS 1997, GATHERED FULL FORCE AND BEGAN TO AFFECT INDONESIA DESPITE CONTINUED EXPRESSIONS OF CONFIDENCE THAT THE SOUNDNESS OF ITS ECONOMIC FUNDAMENTALS AND MANAGEMENT WOULD SEE IT THROUGH WITH LITTLE DAMAGE. DAMAGE www.ginandjar.com 35
36. THE CRISIS THE EXCHANGE RATE DROPS FROM 2,400 RP/$ (JULY 1997) TO 16,000 RP/$ (JUNE 1998). 1998: GDP GROWTH: -13.6% INFLATION: 77 6% 77.6%. COLLAPSE OF THE BANKING SYSTEM: COST OF RESTRUCTURING THE BANKING SYSTEM: RP. 650 TRILLION (US$65 BILLION) TOTAL EXTERNAL DEBT (1999): $148 BILLION, OR 104% GDP HALF OF IT PRIVATE SECTOR S SECTOR’S + $ 30 BILLION SHORT TERM www.ginandjar.com 36
37. THE CRISIS NON-OIL EXPORTS GROWTH: 1998: + 9,9% 1999: - 7,2% , MILLIONS OF INDIVIDUALS LOST THEIR JOBS CHILDREN LEFT SCHOOL POVERTY INCREASED www.ginandjar.com 37
38. INDONESIA: PRE AND DURING CRISIS Indicator Pre Crisis Crisis Income (US$ Billion) 218 (1996) 120 (2000) Income/Capita (US$) 1,110 (1996) 570 (2000) GDP Growth (%) 6.6 (1965-1995) -13.6 (1998) GDP (% Manufacturing Share) 25 (1995) -14.2 (1998) Inflation (%) Single digit 78 (1998) Exchange Rate h Rp. 2,400 16,000 ( (1998); 10,200 ) (2002) p Non Oil Export (%) ( ) ( 9.9 (1998) ) -7.2% (1999) ( ) Total Ext. Debt 113 billion (1996) 150 billion (104% GDP, 1999) Poverty Li P t Line 11.9% 11 9% (1996) 18.2% 18 2% (1999) www.ginandjar.com 38
39. THE FALL OF THE NEW ORDER IN JULY 1997 PRIOR TO THE ECONOMIC CRISIS A 1997, GENERAL ELECTIONS WAS HELD. REFLECTED IN THE RESULT OF GENERAL ELECTION WITH A HUGE VICTORY OF THE GOVERNMENT’S PARTY, GOLKAR, SUHARTO STILL HELD A STRONG GRIP ON THE POLITICAL SYSTEM MARCH 11TH, 1998 SUHARTO WAS INDEED RE-ELECTED FOR ANOTHER FIVE-YEAR TERM BY THE MPR. HE IMMEDIATLLY FORMED A NEW CABINET WITH ECONOMIC RECOVERY AS ITS MAIN AGENDA. AGENDA www.ginandjar.com 39
40. DISREGARDING THE POLITICAL CONTROVERSIES THE NEW ECONOMIC TEAM SET OUT TO GET THE ECONOMY MOVING AGAIN. MAJOR POLICY INITIATIVES: REPAIRING THE RELATIONS WITH THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY, AND RESTORING MARKET CONFIDENCE ALL THE MAJOR CREDITOR COUNTRIES WERE READY TO GIVE SUPPORT TO INDONESIA S EFFORTS AT RECOVERY, INDONESIA’S RECOVERY THROUGH OR IN COOPERATION WITH THE IMF www.ginandjar.com 40
41. THE FIRST PRIORITIES WERE DIRECTED AT BOTH THE RESTRUCTURING OF THE FINANCIAL AND BANKING SYSTEM AND RESOLVING THE CORPORATE DEBT PROBLEM THE GOVERNMENT ECONOMIC TEAM IMMEDIATELY RE-ESTABLISHED DIALOGUE WITH THE IMF TO WORK ON A RENEWED PROGRAM STRUCTURAL REFORMS WERE EMBRACED BY THE ECONOMIC TEAM AS THEIR OWN THE NEED TO PROTECT THE POOR FROM THE WORST OF THE CRISIS CLOSING INSOLVENT BANKS TO STOP THE BLEEDING OF THE FINANCIAL SYSTEM www.ginandjar.com 41
42. STRENGTHENED THE EFFORTS TO DEAL WITH CORPORATE DEBT PROBLEM WHICH HAD ACTUALLY BEGAN IN 1997 RESULT: ALTHOUGH INFLATION WAS STILL HIGH, THE RUPIAH EXCHANGE RATE WAS STRENGTHENED FROM 10,000 AT THE START OF THE NEW CABINET TO 7,500 BY MID APRIL AND REMAINED BELOW 8,000 UNTIL MAY 1998 WHEN POLITICAL TROUBLES OCCURRED THAT TRIGGERED A SPIRALLING DOWNFALL OF THE NEW ORDER GOVERNMENT www.ginandjar.com 42
43. WHILE THE ECONOMY SHOWED SAME IMPROVEMENT, IN IMPROVEMENT THE POLITICAL FRONT, THE SITUATION DETERIORATED SUHARTO HAD SHOWN NO INTENTION TO UNDERTAKE REFORMS AS THE POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC SITUATION DEMANDED THE TIME HAD COME FOR POLITICAL REFORMS, BUT CHANGING THE LEADERSHIP AT THE TIME OF CRISIS WAS NOT REGARDED AS A GOOD IDEA AN OPPORTUNITY FOR A RENEWED START TO REBUILD THE CONFIDENCE OF THE PEOPLE AND ENGAGED IN CONCERTED EFFORTS TO REGAIN CONTROL OF THE ECONOMY WAS WASTED www.ginandjar.com 43
44. HOWEVER, THE ELITES AND LEADERS OF THE VARIOUS REFORM MOVEMENTS WERE STILL WARY OF SUHARTO’S POWER THE HIKE IN FUEL PRICES CHANGED EVERYTHING THE CULMINATION OF POLITICAL CONFRONTATION WAS REACHED WHEN IN EARLY MAY 1998 THE GOVERNMENT ANNOUNCED A RISE IN FUEL PRICES, WITH THE ACCOMPANYING CONSEQUENCES OF A RISE IN PUBLIC TRANSPORTATION FARES www.ginandjar.com 44
45. DURING THE CONFRONTATION BETWEEN THE SECURITY APPARATUS AND THE STUDENT ON MAY 12, FOUR STUDENTS WERE SHOT TO DEAD (TRISAKTI INCIDENT) THE FLASH POINT WAS REACHED ON MAY 14TH 1998, IN WHAT WAS THEN KNOWN AS THE MAY RIOTS. THE MAY 1998 RIOT HAD A PARTICULAR SIGNIFICANCE ASIDE FROM THE INTENSITY OF THE VIOLENCE THE RIOTS HAD DEVASTATING EFFECTS ON THE SUHARTO GOVERNMENT IT SET THE STAGE FOR THE ENDGAME OF THE POLITICAL DRAMA www.ginandjar.com 45
46. THE FINAL CURTAIN MAY 17TH 1998 THE STUDENTS HAD PRACTICALLY OCCUPIED THE PARLIAMENT BUILDING TO PRESSURE PARLIAMENT TO ACT THE CALL FOR REFORM AND FOR THE RESIGNATION OF THE PRESIDENT GREW LOUDER AND WAS JOINED BY A WIDER CIRCLE MAY 18TH1998 THE LEADERSHIP OF THE PARLIAMENT ANNOUNCED THEIR COLLECTIVE OPINION THAT SUHARTO HAD TO RESIGN www.ginandjar.com 46
47. SOME MINISTERS REALIZED THAT THE STATUS QUO COULD NOT BE MAINTAINED ANY LONGER MAY 20TH 1998 THE ECONOMIC MINISTRIES MET: TO REVIEW THE ECONOMIC SITUATION AND THE POLITICAL COMPLICATIONS, AND DECIDED THAT COMPLICATIONS THE PRESIDENT SHOULD BE MADE AWARE OF THE GRAVE SITUATION IF A POLITICAL SOLUTION COULD NOT BE REACHED WITHIN A WEEK THE ECONOMY WOULD COLLAPSE FORMING A NEW CABINET WOULD NOT SOLVE THE PROBLEM THEY WOULD UNANIMOUSLY DECLINE TO JOIN IN THE NEW (REFORM) CABINET. www.ginandjar.com 47
48. LOSING THE SUPPORT OF THE MILITARY, THE CABINET, CABINET AND THE PARLIAMENT ON MAY 21ST 1998 PRESIDENT SUHARTO RESIGNED HIS PRESIDENCY VICE PRESIDENT BJ HABIBIE ASSUMED THE PRESIDENCY THUS ENDED THE ERA OF THE NEW ORDER ORDER. www.ginandjar.com 48
49. EXPLAINING THE DEMISE THE WAY THE SYSTEM WORKED DURING THE NEW ORDER OBVIOUSLY DID NOT MEET THE BASIC PRINCIPLES REQUIRED IN A DEMOCRACY IN TERMS OF Q POLITICAL PARTIES, ELECTIONS AND REPRESENTATION AS ARGUED BY MOST SCHOLARLY LITERATURE. THE NEW ORDER WOULD FAIL TO MEET DAHL’S OTHER CONDITIONS FOR A DEMOCRACY, SUCH AS FREEDOM OF SPEECH, ALTERNATIVE SOURCE OF INFORMATION AND , ASSOCIATIONAL AUTONOMY. www.ginandjar.com 49
50. WHILE ECONOMICALLY THE GOVERNMENT WAS COMMITTED TO AND INTENTLY PURSUING OPEN POLICIES, POLITICALLY THE GOVERNMENT KEPT A TIGHT A GRIP. www.ginandjar.com 50
51. HUNTINGTON (1991: 54-55) MAKES THE POINT THAT THE LEGITIMACY OF AN AUTHORITARIAN REGIME MIGHT BE UNDERMINED EVEN IF IT DOES DELIVER ON ITS PROMISES. “BY ACHIEVING ITS PURPOSE, IT LOST ITS PURPOSE. THIS REDUCED THE REASONS WHY THE PUBLIC SHOULD SUPPORT THE REGIME, GIVEN OTHER COSTS (E.G. LACK OF FREEDOM) CONNECTED WITH THE REGIME”(1991: 55). HE POSITS THAT ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT PROVIDED THE OS S CO O C O O BASIS FOR DEMOCRACY. www.ginandjar.com 51
52. HE CITES THE FAMOUS ALBEIT MUCH CONTESTED-- FAMOUS—ALBEIT CONTESTED LIPSET HYPOTHESIS CONCERNING THE RELATIONSHIP OF WEALTH AND DEMOCRACY: THE WEALTHY COUNTRIES ARE DEMOCRATIC AND THE MOST DEMOCRATIC COUNTRIES ARE WEALTHY. HE ARGUES THAT: “IN POOR COUNTRIES IN DEMOCRATIZATION IS UNLIKELY; IN RICH COUNTRIES IT HAS ALREADY OCCURRED.” IN BETWEEN THERE IS A POLITICAL TRANSITION ZONE; COUNTRIES IN THAT PARTICULAR ECONOMIC STRATUM ARE MOST LIKELY TO TRANSIT TO DEMOCRACY AND MOST COUNTRIES THAT TRANSIT TO DEMOCRACY WILL BE IN THAT STRATUM.” (1991: 60). www.ginandjar.com 52
53. HE MAINTAINS THAT A SOCIAL SCIENTIST WHO WISHED TO PREDICT FUTURE DEMOCRATIZATION “WOULD HAVE DONE REASONABLY WELL IF HE SIMPLY FINGERED THE NON-DEMOCRATIC COUNTRIES IN THE $1,000-$3,000 (GNP PER CAPITA) TRANSITION ZONE” (1991: 63). FURTHER STUDIES, IN PARTICULAR AN EXTENSIVE QUANTITATIVE RESEARCH AND ANALYSIS DONE BY PRZEWORSKY ET AL (2000: 92) HAS LENT SUPPORT TO ET.AL. HUNTINGTON’S THRESHOLD ARGUMENT. www.ginandjar.com 53
54. IN 1996, THE YEAR BEFORE THE ECONOMIC CRISIS SWEPT INDONESIA ITS GNP PER CAPITA HAD INDONESIA, REACHED $1,155. ACCORDING TO HUNTINGTON S THEORY AT THAT HUNTINGTON’S THEORY, STAGE INDONESIA HAD ENTERED THE TRANSITION ZONE, WHICH MEANT THAT IT WAS SENSITIVE TO PRESSURE FOR POLITICAL CHANGE. www.ginandjar.com 54
55. THREE DECADES OF DEVELOPMENT HAD SIGNIFICANTLY INCREASED THE LEVEL AND REACH OF EDUCATION ACROSS THE NATION AND SOCIAL CLASSES. WITH EDUCATION CAME ENLIGHTENMENT AND EMANCIPATION FROM CULTURAL RESTRICTION, FREEING PEOPLE FROM THE SHACKLES OF OLD INHIBITIONS AND TRADITIONS TRADITIONS. WITH EDUCATION PEOPLE RECOGNIZED THAT THERE WERE MORE NEEDS THAN JUST PRIMARY NEEDS OF FOOD, CLOTHING AND SHELTER. www.ginandjar.com 55
56. INTERNATIONAL COMMERCE BROUGHT ABOUT THE OPENING UP NOT OF ONLY THE INDONESIAN MARKET TO FOREIGN GOODS BUT ALSO THE INDONESIAN SOCIETY TO FOREIGN IDEAS. WITH GLOBALIZATION CAME NOT ONLY THE INTEGRATION OF MARKETS BUT ALSO THE INTRODUCTION AND EVENTUAL INTEGRATION OF IDEAS. www.ginandjar.com 56
57. THE SUPPOSED ULTIMATE VICTORY OF DEMOCRACY AGAINST ALL OTHER SYSTEMS OF GOVERNMENT (SEE FUKUYAMA, 1992) HAS CHANGED THE PEOPLE’S POLITICAL ATTITUDES, OR AT LEAST THE ELITE S PERCEPTION, OF LIBERAL DEMOCRACY AS ELITE’S AN EVIL SYSTEM. THOUSANDS OF INDONESIANS WHO STUDIED AT FOREIGN UNIVERSITIES, UNIVERSITIES MOST OF THEM IN WESTERN COUNTRIES, COUNTRIES LEARNED FIRST HAND THE SOCIO-CULTURAL VALUES THAT HAS BEEN THE DRIVING FORCE BEHIND THE SCIENTIFIC AND TECHNOLOGICAL ADVANCES THAT RESULTED IN THE AFFLUENCE OF THE WESTERN SOCIETIES. THEY RETURNED HOME IMBUED WITH THE SPIRIT OF FREEDOM, WHICH WAS A POTENT SOURCE OF INSPIRATION AND MOTIVATION TO CHANGE. www.ginandjar.com 57
58. THE BREAKDOWN OF BARRIERS TO COMMUNICATION, THE MAIN FORCE BEHIND GLOBALIZATION AND THE DRIVE TOWARD A HIGHER DEGREE OF CIVILIZATION, SWEPT INDONESIA WITH READILY AVAILABLE AND UP TO DATE INFORMATION. IT FREED THE INDIVIDUALS FROM THE CONSTRAINTS OF TIME AND SPACE. CENSORSHIP WAS NO LONGER RELEVANT, BECAUSE ONE COULD ACCESS INFORMATION THROUGH THE INTERNET, CNN OR CABLE TV, OR JUST TRAVEL. TV TRAVEL THE DIFFUSION OF DEMOCRATIC IDEALS BY THE END OF THE 20TH CENTURY WAS UNSTOPPABLE. THE INFORMATION BERLIN WALL WAS CRUMBLING DOWN. www.ginandjar.com 58
59. WHEN THE GOVERNMENT CLOSED DOWN THE POPULAR INDONESIA MAGAZINE, TEMPO, BECAUSE OF IT CRITICAL TONE IT SIMPLY RESURFACED AS AN TONE, INTERNET WEBSITE. PEOPLE CLOSELY FOLLOWED THE FALL OF NON- DEMOCRATIC SYSTEMS OF GOVERNMENT IN THE FORMER COMMUNIST COUNTRIES AND IN A COUNTRIES SUCH AS THE PHILIPPINES AND KOREA. www.ginandjar.com 59
60. AMONG THE SOCIAL FORCES THAT WERE POISED AGAINST THE NEW ORDER, THE MOST CONSISTENT AND MILITANT WERE THE STUDENTS. STUDENTS IN THE HISTORY OF THE NATION, EVEN BEFORE INDEPENDENCE, THE INDONESIAN YOUTH AND , O OU STUDENTS PLAYED PIVOTAL ROLE. THEY PARTICIPATED IN EVERY IMPORTANT EVENT IN THE NATION COURSE OF HISTORY. THERE IS NO HISTORY MAJOR POLITICAL CHANGE IN INDONESIA THAT HAS NOT INVOLVED THE YOUTH AND STUDENTS. www.ginandjar.com 60
61. STUDENT ACTIVISM WAS VERY MUCH ACTIVE IN 1970s, 1970s AND CONTINUED INTO THE 1980s AND 1990s; TAKING UP NATIONAL ISSUES LIKE CORRUPTION, HUMAN RIGHTS AND DEMOCRACY, AND LOCAL ISSUES, SUCH AS EVICTION OF PEOPLE FROM AREAS DESIGNATED FOR DEVELOPMENT PROJECTS, AND ENVIRONMENTAL AND LABOR ISSUES RELATED TO THEIR AREA. www.ginandjar.com 61
62. ALTHOUGH THE STUDENT MOVEMENTS MOST OF THE TIME WERE WIDELY SCATTERED, UNFOCUSED AND SCATTERED UN-COORDINATED AND WERE ISOLATED FROM BROAD POPULAR SUPPORT, THEY WERE SUCCESSFUL IN GALVANIZING THE SILENT MAJORITY TO BE CONCERNED ABOUT CURRENT POLITICAL ISSUES CONFRONTING THE NATION. UHLIN NOTES THAT THE STUDENT ACTIVISM OF THE LATE 1980S AND EARLY 1990S HAS CONTRIBUTED TO A RADICALIZATION OF THE DEMOCRATIC OPPOSITION IN INDONESIA. www.ginandjar.com 62
63. ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT GAVE BIRTH TO THE MIDDLE CLASS. URBAN MIDDLE CLASS IS A PRODUCT OF WIDER AND HIGHER EDUCATION AND ECONOMIC GROWTH. IN AGRARIAN INDONESIA THE NASCENT MIDDLE CLASS HAD GROWN IN NUMBER AND INFLUENCE WITH THE ADVANCE OF INDUSTRIALIZATION AND URBANIZATION. www.ginandjar.com 63
64. AT THAT STAGE THE INDONESIAN MIDDLE CLASS POLITICAL ATTITUDE WAS NOT NECESSARILY ANTIGOVERNMENT; IN FACT UNTIL THE END OF THE 1980S THE MAJORITY OF THE MIDDLE CLASS WHO OWED THEIR ECONOMIC ADVANCEMENT TO THE GOVERNMENT’S DEVELOPMENT EFFORTS BELIEVED IN THE GOVERNMENT’S DEVELOPMENT CREED AND STRONGLY FAVORED POLITICAL STABILITY. www.ginandjar.com 64
65. AS UHLIN (1997) OBSERVES, AT THAT STAGE THE INDONESIAN MIDDLE CLASS WERE STILL HIGHLY DEPENDENT ON STATE POWER AND LACKED THE AUTONOMY THAT HAD ENABLED THE BUSINESS CLASS IN OTHER COUNTRIES TO PUSH THROUGH DEMANDS FOR THE RULE OF LAW AND SOME DEMOCRATIC RIGHTS. www.ginandjar.com 65
66. IN COUNTRY AFTER COUNTRY THE RISING URBAN MIDDLE CLASS HAD BEEN THE FORCE OFMODERNIZATION AND DEMOCRATIZATION. IN THE PHILIPPINES, KOREA, THAILAND THEY HAD PLAYED CRUCIAL ROLE BEHIND THE TRANSITION TO DEMOCRACY. DEMOCRACY www.ginandjar.com 66
67. HAGGARD AND KAUFMAN (1995) MAINTAIN THAT IN SOUTHERN EUROPE, THE EAST ASIAN NEWLY EUROPE INDUSTRIALIZING COUNTRIES, AND EASTERN EUROPE, ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT RESULTED IN THE EMERGENCE OF MORE COMPLEX, LITERATE MIDDLE CLASS SOCIETIES THAT DEMANDED INCREASED POLITICAL PARTICIPATION. PARTICIPATION www.ginandjar.com 67
68. WHEN THIS RESOURCEFUL BUT RATIONAL PART OF SOCIETY JOINED FORCES WITH THE DYNAMIC PART OF SOCIETY SUCH AS THE STUDENTS OR URBAN WORKERS, THE COMBINATION COULD BE EXPLOSIVE. INDUSTRIALIZATION, URBANIZATION INDUSTRIALIZATION URBANIZATION, AND THE RISE OF THE MIDDLE CLASS HAD THUS SPELLED THE DIFFUSION OF POWER, AND THE EDUCATED MIDDLE , CLASS TENDED TO BECOME INCREASINGLY VOCAL IN DEFENSE OF ITS INTERESTS. www.ginandjar.com 68
69. BY THE MID-1990s THE INDONESIAN MIDDLE CLASS HAD REACHED THE “CRITICAL MASS” IN NUMBER AS WELL AS IN RESOURCES TO PLAY A SIGNIFICANT ROLE AT POLITICAL CHANGE. AND THEY HAD INCREASINGLY BECOME CRITICAL OF THE GOVERNMENT; THEIR WRITINGS, PLAYS AND DISCOURSES HAD PROVIDED FOR INTELLECTUAL INSPIRATION TOWARDS DEMOCRATIZATION. MANY OF THEM FORMED NGO’S THAT WERE ACTIVELY PROMOTING AGENDA OF REFORMS. www.ginandjar.com 69
70. CIVIL SOCIETY IN INDONESIA HAS HAD ONLY RECENT HISTORY, SO THEIR INFLUENCE ON THE COUNTRY’S IMPORTANT POLITICAL EVENTS IS STILL MINIMAL BUT MINIMAL, WITH THE WEAKENING OF THE NEW ORDER GOVERNMENT IN THE WAKE OF ECONOMIC CRISIS, AND , THE ON GOING PROCESS OF POLITICAL REFORMS AND DEMOCRATIZATION THAT IS GAINING MOMENTUM IN THE COUNTRY THE ROLE OF THE NGO IS GROWING COUNTRY, GROWING. www.ginandjar.com 70
71. WHILE, AS MENTIONED ABOVE INDONESIA’S DEVELOPMENT HAD A WIDESPREAD EFFECT ON THE POPULATION IN GENERAL AS INDICATED BY DECLINING POVERTY INCIDENCES AND VARIOUS SOCIAL INDICATORS THERE WAS GROWING AWARENESS OF INDICATORS, THE WIDENING GAP BETWEEN INCOME GROUPS, BETWEEN REGIONS, AND BETWEEN ETHNICS. www.ginandjar.com 71
72. AT THE HEIGHT OF THE PRAISE FOR THE NEW ORDER ACHIEVEMENT, MANY INDONESIAN SCHOLARS AND CRITICS NOTED THE LACK OF DISTRIBUTIVE JUSTICE AS ONE OF THE MAJOR CRITICISM OF THE NEW ORDER. THEY ARGUED THAT THE INDONESIAN ECONOMIC SUCCESS HAD BENEFITED THE URBAN AND INDUSTRIAL SECTOR WHILE (RELATIVELY) MARGINALIZING THE RURAL AND TRADITIONAL SECTORS. www.ginandjar.com 72
73. IT IS POSSIBLE AN INCREASE IN THE POLARIZATION OF THE INCOME DISTRIBUTION OCCURRED IN INDONESIA AS THE ECONOMY GREW AND THAT THIS CONTRIBUTED TO THE PERSISTENT FEELING IN INDONESIA THAT THE MANY ECONOMIC REFORMS LED NOT AN IMPROVEMENT IN GENERAL WELFARE, BUT ONLY AN IMPROVEMENT IN THE WELFARE OF THE RICH. www.ginandjar.com 73
74. DESPITE THE LIBERALIZATION MEASURES UNDERTAKEN IN RESPONSE TO THE WAVE OF GLOBALIZATION IN THE MID- 1980S, CONTROL OF THE ECONOMY CONTINUED TO BE DIRECT, THROUGH MONOPOLIES IN KEY INDUSTRIES (ENERGY, PAPER, STEEL, COMMODITIES, (ENERGY PAPER STEEL COMMODITIES TRANSPORT AND COMMUNICATIONS), OR THROUGH THE CREDIT- ALLOCATION POWERS OF FINANCIAL AGENCIES THAT WERE CONTROLLED BY OR PREJUDICED IN FAVOR OF PRIVILEGED AND POLITICALLY CONNECTED BUSINESS GROUPS. GROUPS www.ginandjar.com 74
75. PRIVATIZATION IN THE 1980s OFTEN MEANT THE TRANSFER OF INDUSTRIES FROM DIRECT STATE MONOPOLY TO HANDS THAT WERE ONLY NOMINALLY PRIVATE BUT REALLY HIGHLY DIVERSIFIED CONGLOMERATES WHO ENJOYED PROTECTION FROM OPEN COMPETITION AND GUARANTEED ACCESS TO STATE FUNDS AND FACILITIES. www.ginandjar.com 75
76. MEANWHILE THE PRESIDENT’S FAMILY AND THE ECONOMIC CRONIES ALIGNED THEMSELVES TO PURSUE POORLY CONCEIVED ECONOMIC PROGRAMS. PROGRAMS CORRUPTION HAD BECOME AN ISSUE AND HAD TAINTED THE GOVERNMENT’S CREDIBILITY. GOVERNMENT S www.ginandjar.com 76
77. CORRUPTION IN INDONESIA IN THE PERIOD 1980-98 Source: Transparency international, taken from haggard, 2000. www.ginandjar.com 77
78. CENTRALIZED POWER AND UNEVEN DISTRIBUTION OF WEALTH CREATED DISSATISFACTION AMONG PEOPLE IN THE OUTLYING REGIONS. WITH ECONOMIC GROWTH AND INDUSTRIALIZATION, JAVA AND SOME PROVINCES PROGRESSED FASTER THAN THE REST OF THE REGIONS REGIONS, ESPECIALLY THE EASTERN PART THE COUNTRY. www.ginandjar.com 78
79. THESE PROVINCES, RICH IN NATURAL RESOURCES, WERE RESENTFUL OF THE RETURNS THAT THEY RECEIVED FROM THEIR REGIONS’ CONTRIBUTION TO THE NATIONAL ECONOMY. THE WIDENING DISPARITY BETWEEN REGIONS WAS ANOTHER SOURCE OF CRITICISM AGAINST THE NEW ORDER. TO A SIGNIFICANT EXTENT THIS PROBLEM STILL PERSISTS TODAY, AND IS ONE FACTOR DRIVING THE SOVEREIGNTY CONFLICTS IN ACEH AND PAPUA. www.ginandjar.com 79
80. EVEN WITHIN THE MILITARY THERE WAS A GROWING UNEASINESS WITH THE UNFOLDING EVENTS WHILE EVENTS. ACTIVE MILITARY OFFICERS TRUE TO THEIR SOLDIERS’ OATH REMAINED LOYAL TO THE PRESIDENT, THERE WAS GROWING OPPOSITION AMONG THE RETIRED MILITARY OFFICERS. www.ginandjar.com 80
81. SHIRAISHI (1999: 78) ARGUES THAT ALTHOUGH THE MILITARY REMAINED LOYAL TO THE PRESIDENT TO THE LAST MINUTE, “THE STRUGGLE WITHIN THE UPPER ECHELONS OF THE MILITARY HAD A POWERFUL INFLUENCE ON THE POLITICAL PROCESS AND ON EVENTS IN THE COUNTRY MORE GENERALLY.” NO LONGER COULD THE MILITARY BE COUNTED TO BE IN THE POSITION TO DEFEND THE REGIME AT ANY COST. www.ginandjar.com 81
82. THE EMERGING ROLE OF ISLAM AS A FORCE OF CHANGE SHOULD ALSO NOT BE UNDERESTIMATED. UHLIN (1997:82) AGUES THAT MANY INDONESIAN PRO- PRO DEMOCRACY ACTIVISTS ARE MORE THAN NOMINALLY MUSLIM AND THEY OFTEN USE ISLAMIC DISCOURSES TO MOTIVATE THE STRUGGLE FOR DEMOCRACY. www.ginandjar.com 82
83. IN ADDITION TO HIGH LEVELS OF CORRUPTION, WHEN THE CRISIS CORRUPTION HIT, THE LEADERSHIP HAD A LIMITED RESERVOIR OF POPULAR SUPPORT TO CALL UPON. TWO FACTORS ARE NOTABLE INDONESIA HAD, HAD BY FAR THE LONGEST SERVING LEADER OF ANY OF THE FAR, LONGEST-SERVING COUNTRIES IMPACTED BY THE ASIAN FINANCIAL CRISIS, AS WELL AS THE MOST CENTRALIZED DECISION-MAKING PROCESS. WHILE THE OTHER COUNTRIES IMPACTED BY THE CRISIS—THAILAND, SOUTH KOREA, AND MALAYSIA—HAD DEVELOPED AT LEAST PARTIALLY INCLUSIVE REPRESENTATIVE INSTITUTIONS DURING THE 1980S AND 1990S, THE INDONESIAN STATE CONTINUED DOWN AN AUTHORITARIAN PATH, WITH REAL POWER CONTINUING TO BE CONCENTRATED IN THE PRESIDENT AND HIS FAMILY AND SELECTED CRONIES. (WORLD BANK, 2006) www.ginandjar.com 83
84. WHILE IN BETTER TIMES THE REGIME HAD THE POWER TO CREATE AND ENFORCE MANY POLICIES ALMOST SINGLE-HANDEDLY, WHEN COLLECTIVE NATIONAL SACRIFICE WAS NECESSARY THERE WERE FEW RESERVOIRS OF GOODWILL TO CALL UPON FROM A DISENFRANCHISED CITIZENRY. www.ginandjar.com 84
85. THE CRACKS IN THE RANKS OF THE NEW ORDER HAD COME TO THE SURFACE, AS THE NEW ORDER SURFACE SUPPORTERS WITHIN AND OUTSIDE THE GOVERNMENT, INCLUDING THOSE IN THE MILITARY AND THE CABINET HAD GROWN ALIENATED BY THE WAY HE HANDLED THE CRISIS, AND BY HIS INABILITY TO RECOGNIZE THE WEAKNESSES IN THE GOVERNMENT’S POLICIES AND INSTITUTIONS AND THE URGENT NEED TO EMBARK ON REFORMS. www.ginandjar.com 85
86. MANY OF THE OPPOSING FORCES IDENTIFIED ABOVE WERE LONG PRESENT, ALBEIT LATENT IN THE UNDERCURRENT OF INDONESIAN POLITICS FOR YEARS. BY THEMSELVES HOWEVER, THEY DID NOT PRESENT A SUFFICIENT CHALLENGE CAPABLE OF ENDING SUHARTO’S RULE. THE NEW ORDER’S CENTRALIZED POWER STRUCTURE AND CAREFUL CONTROL OF POLITICAL COMPETITION WOULD HAVE ENSURED THE SECURITY OF THE PRESIDENT POSITION. www.ginandjar.com 86
87. WITH ALL THE CHANGING SOCIAL STRUCTURES AND NORMS, AND THE FORCES ARRAYED AGAINST THE NEW ORDER, FROM OUTSIDE AND WITHIN ITS OWN RANK, IT WAS ONLY A MATTER OF TIME BEFORE HUNTINGTON S PREDICTION HUNTINGTON’S WOULD BE REALIZED. IT WOULD, HOWEVER, STILL NEED A CATALYST TO QUICKEN THE PACE OF CHANGE. THE ECONOMIC CRISIS WAS THE TRIGGER THAT WOULD SET THE CHAIN OF EVENTS THAT EVENTUALLY LEAD TO THE POLITICAL CHANGE. EMPIRICAL OBSERVATIONS LED HUNTINGTON (1991) TO BELIEVE THAT CRISES PRODUCED BY EITHER RAPID GROWTH OR ECONOMIC RECESSION WEAKENED AUTHORITARIANISM. www.ginandjar.com 87
88. AND THE MUCH TOUTED AND INTERNATIONALLY PRAISED NEW ORDER DID FINALLY FALL. MANY OBSERVERS AGREE THAT FOR PRESIDENT SUHARTO, WHO RESTED HIS CLAIM TO RULE ON HIS ABILITY TO DELIVER ECONOMIC GROWTH, THE ECONOMIC CRISIS DEEPLY UNDERMINED HIS LEGITIMACY AND LEFT HIM AFTER SO MANY YEARS IN POWER, AT LAST, VULNERABLE TO CREDIBLE CHALLENGE FOR POWER. www.ginandjar.com 88
89. IN CONCLUSION, THE EXCEPTIONAL SEVERITY OF THE INDONESIAN CRISIS WAS A REFLECTION OF THE CONFLUENCE OF ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL CRISES, CRISES AND IT SERVES TO ILLUSTRATE WELL HOW ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL FORCES CAN REINFORCE EACH OTHER IN TIME OF CRISIS. www.ginandjar.com 89
90. THE CHALLENGES OF DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE INDONESIA IS EMERGING FROM LONG PERIOD OF AUTHORITARIAN RULE TO CONSOLIDATE ITS STATUS AS ONE OF THE WORLD’S LARGEST DEMOCRATIC COUNTRY. www.ginandjar.com 90
91. Regime Change in Indonesia Sukarno Suharto August 1945 - March March 1968 - May 1998 1968 Elected by MPRS Elected by the PPKI Resigned under pressure Impeached by MPRS Abdurrahman Wahid B.J. Habibie October 1999 – July May 1998-October 1999 2001 Accountability Speech Elected by MPR Rejected Impeached by MPR Declined to run for President Megawati Susilo Bambang July 2001 – October Yudhoyono 2004 October 2004 – 2009 Elected by MPR Directly elected Lost election to SBY www.ginandjar.com 91
92. CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM ALTHOUGH INDONESIA HAS NOT BEEN ON \"THE ROAD TO DEMOCRACY,\" FOR LONG, THERE IS MUCH THAT HAS BEEN ACHIEVED ACHIEVED. THE DEMOCRATIZATION PROCESS IN INDONESIA, ALTHOUGH TRIGGERED BY THE 1997/1998 ECONOMIC CRISIS, HAS BEEN UNDERTAKEN RELATIVELY PEACEFULLY IN CONJUNCTION WITH THE REFORM OF THE CONSTITUTION CONSTITUTION. www.ginandjar.com 92
93. AMONG THE AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION SEVERAL STAND OUT AS MOST SIGNIFICANT SUCH AS IMPROVEMENT OF CHECKS AND BALANCES SYSTEM, DIRECT PRESIDENTIAL AND REGIONAL EXECUTIVES ELECTIONS, LEGAL REFORM AND , DECENTRALIZATION, HUMAN RIGHTS, FREEDOM OF THE PRESS, BIGGER ROLE OF CIVIL SOCIETY. www.ginandjar.com 93
94. THE CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT PROCESS HAVING BEEN COMPLETED, CITIZENS MAY OBSERVE A \"SOFTWARE UPGRADE\" IN THE DIFFICULT SYSTEM THAT IS THEIR GOVERNMENT. www.ginandjar.com 94
95. STRUCTURE OF GOVERNMENT IN DEMOCRATIC INDONESIA HOUSE HOUSE OF SUPREME PEOPLE’S CONSTITU SUPREME THE PRESIDENT OF REGIONAL CONSULTATIVE REPRESENTA- REPRESENTA- AUDIT TIONAL COURT ASSEMBLY COURT TIVES TIVES BOARD MINISTER OF SECTORAL HOME DEPT22/2/ DEPT / MINISTRIES DEPT AFFAIRS SEKTOR222 SEKTOR SEKTOR PROVINCIAL REPRESENTATIVE PEMDA GOVERNORS PEMDA 33 units COUNCIL PEMDA PROVINSI PROVINSI PROVINSI DISTRICT/ MUNICIPAL DISTRICT PEMDA 465 units REPRESENTATIVE PEMDA CHIEFS/MAYORS PEMDA COUNCIL KAB/KOTA KAB/KOTA KAB/KOTA SUB-DISTRICT PEMDA PEMDA PEMDA CHIEFS KAB/KOTA KAB/KOTA KAB/KOTA PEMDA VILLAGE CHIEFS PEMDA PEMDA 73.067 units KAB/KOTA KAB/KOTA KAB/KOTA 6.093 units www.ginandjar.com 95
96. WHAT A DIFFERENCE A DECADE MAKES Issue 1996 2006 Presidential selection Selected indirectly by the People’s Directly elected through universal suffrage Consultative Assembly (MPR) every every five years five years National parliament Unicameral legislature 500 members, Bicameral legislature (DPR and DPD). with 20 percent of seats reserved for DPR members (550) elected directly in the military (reduced to 15 percent in multi-member constituencies through 1995). Dominated by Golkar. proportional representation. Each province elects four members to the national DPD, for total of 128 members. Political parties Only three parties legally allowed to 24 parties competed in the 2004 general contest elections—Golkar, the United election, and five parties put up serious Development Party (PPP), and parties for the presidency. Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI).

Presidential legislati e Presidential-legislative facto, rubber De facto a r bber stamp body for the bod The president’s party (the Democrat part relations president’s policy decisions. Party, PD) holds only 56 of 550 seats in DPR. DPR is now a serious check on presidential authority authority. www.ginandjar.com 96
97. WHAT A DIFFERENCE A DECADE MAKES Issue 1996 2006 Role of military Reserved seats at all three levels of No reserved seats in parliament parliament. About 6,000 military staff seconded to government positions (as of 1995). 1995) Territorial command system enables military self-financing. Provincial and district pp y y Appointed by Ministry of Home Affairs ( (under Directly elected. y executives tight supervision of the president). Provincial and district Only three parties legally allowed to contest Directly elected in multi-member legislatures l i l t l ti t f t d for elections. 15 percent of seats reserved f constituencies in a proportional tit i i ti l the military. Dominated by Golkar. representation system. Civil society Tight restrictions on the press and NGOs. Free press and proliferation of NGOs. Source: World Bank, Making the New Indonesia Work for the Poor, November 2006 www.ginandjar.com 97
98. RELATIVE ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL STABILITY HAS BEEN MAINTAINED AND THE COUNTRY HAS UNDERTAKEN DEMOCRATIC GENERAL ELECTIONS IN 1999, AND AGAIN IN 2004 THE FIRST UNDER THE AMENDED 2004, CONSTITUTION, AND GEARING FOR THE NEXT GENERAL ELECTIONS IN 2009. www.ginandjar.com 98
99. HOWEVER, AS NOTED BY THE WORLD BANK, HAVING SHIFTED FROM BEING A ‘DEVELOPMENT STATE’ TO A ‘DEMOCRATIC STATE STATE’, INDONESIA FACES MANY CHALLENGES THAT ARE COMMON TO TRANSITIONAL SOCIETIES. WHILE A LARGE MAJORITY OF INDONESIANS POLLED RECENTLY SAID THAT THEY WERE IN FAVOR OF THE CURRENT DEMOCRATIC SYSTEM, THERE SYSTEM IS ALSO WIDESPREAD FRUSTRATION WITH ONGOING CORRUPTION, WEAK FORMAL SECTOR JOB GROWTH AND A SENSE THAT THE POSSIBILITIES INHERENT IN A DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION HAVE NOT BEEN FULLY REALIZED (ROBISON AND HADIZ, 2004). HADIZ 2004) www.ginandjar.com 99
100. WHILE CITIZENS ARE FREE TO DEMONSTRATE AND THE PRESS IS FREE TO WRITE WHAT THEY WANT, MANY CITIZENS ARE STILL SUBJECT TO ARBITRARY DECISIONS AND/OR RENT-SEEKING BY GOVERNMENT OFFICIALS, THE POLICE AND THE LEGAL SYSTEM (WORLD BANK, 2004). IT BANK 2004) IS STILL COMMON FOR CITIZENS TO BE REQUIRED TO PAY BRIBES IN ORDER TO ACQUIRE PERMITS AND SETTLE Q LEGAL DISPUTES, FOR EXAMPLE (WORLD BANK, 2006). www.ginandjar.com 100
101. IN THE POST-TRANSITION PERIOD THE INDONESIAN POLITY HAS TO GRAPPLE WITH THREE KEY ISSUES IN CONSOLIDATING ITS NASCENT DEMOCRACY: HOW BEST TO STRENGTHEN THE POLITICAL CULTURE, DEEPEN DEMOCRACY, AND ENHANCE POLITICAL DEMOCRACY INSTITUTIONALIZATION. HOW TO ESTABLISH AND IMPROVE THE PERFORMANCE OF GOVERNANCE UNDER THE DEMOCRATIC REGIME. REGIME HOW TO RESTORE GROWTH, ALLEVATE POVERTY AND MEET OTHER ECONOMIC CHALLENGES. www.ginandjar.com 101
102. MEASURING THE PERFORMANCE OF GOVERNMENT IN THIS ROCESS OF CHANGE IS FAR FROM EASY OR STRAIGHTFORWARD. THE FOLLOWING FIGURE O O O U ILLUSTRATES THAT THERE WAS NO CLEAR TREND IN GOVERNANCE FOR INDONESIA OVER THE PERIOD 1996- 2004. 2004 IT ILLUSTRATES GOVERNANCE TRENDS THROUGH (SELECTED) INDICATORS IN VOICE AND ACCOUNTABILITY, POLITICAL STABILITY AND REGULATORY QUALITY QUALITY. www.ginandjar.com 102
103. HOWEVER, SEVERAL OF THE RECENT CHANGES ARE NOTABLE: IMPROVEMENTS IN VOICE AND ACCOUNTABILITY REFLECT THE IMPACTS OF THE POST-CRISIS UPHEAVAL, WITH THE SUBSEQUENT EMERGENCE OF A DEMOCRATIC, DECENTRALIZED INDONESIA AND THE RETURN OF POLITICAL STABILITY FOLLOWING A FREE-AND-FAIR ELECTION PROCESS. REGULATORY QUALITY, HOWEVER, Q , , REMAINS WEAK. www.ginandjar.com 103
104. Governance indicators for Indonesia 0.5 stimate (-2.5 to + 2.5) 0 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 -0.5 -1 -1.5 Es -2 Voice and Accountability Political Stability Regulatory Quality Source: WB I Governance Indicators, 2004 www.ginandjar.com 104
105. IN CONCLUSION, INDONESIA STILL FACES ENORMOUS CHALLENGES THAT NEED TO BE OVERCOME, ESPECIALLY UNDER THE LEADERSHIP OF THE NEW DEMOCRATIC REGIME. THE FAILURE IN MEETING THE C G CHALLENGES MAY RESULT G S S IN THE DISENCHANTMENT AND REVERSAL IN LEGITIMACY OF THE DEMOCRATIC SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT, OR AT THE LEAST THE NATION STRUGGLING WITH THE NEGATIVE EFFECTS OF A LOW QUALITY DEMOCRACY. www.ginandjar.com 105

PART 2 OF 2: DEMOCRACY AND DEVELOPMENT IN INDONESIA

noreply@blogger.com (Caping Gunung) — Sat, 30 May 2009 01:40:00 +0000

http://www.indonesia-ottawa.org/information/details.php?type=news_copy&id=1461
The Manila Times - September 03, 2005

By Dr. Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono

Last of two parts

(Remarks at the opening session of the Sixth Asian European Editors’ Forum, Jakarta, Indonesia, August 29, 2005, sponsored by the Konrad Adenauer Stiftung.)

THE Aceh peace deal, however, was not the biggest news of the year it was the giant tsunami waves on December 26, 2004, a catastrophe that truly consumed national and global attentions.

The tsunami is the worst natural disaster ever faced by Indonesia. It is certainly the most difficult ordeal that I have faced in my entire career in public office. I mean, how do you deal with the tragic loss of 200,000 fellow countrymen in a matter of minutes?

In retrospect, I think we in Indonesia responded to the crises well. We marshaled all our resources to save lives, rescue survivors, collect and bury the dead, provide shelter to the homeless, deliver food and medicine and reestablish government functions, all under very difficult terrain. We also coordinated and supervised what would amount to be the largest international humanitarian operations in recent memory.

Today Aceh is slowly but surely getting back on its feet. The challenge now is how to rebuild Aceh speedily with the available resources. We have produced an ambitious blueprint for the reconstruction of Aceh, and we have established an agency for the reconstruction of Aceh, headed by the respected Dr. Kuntoro, to enforce this program and manage the funds and material resources that are coming in.

I see the Aceh reconstruction project as a window to the new Indonesia. It is a hallmark of transparency, professionalism and integrity.

There is one thought that I want to share with you in relation to the tsunami. The tsunami tragedy has generated a tremendous amount of global goodwill, involving not just governments and international agencies, but civil society, citizens of all layers and age groups. The whole western world reached out to help tsunami victims around the Indian Ocean, especially in worst-hit Aceh, known as the most conservative Islamic society in Indonesia. The world has never seen the kind of global compassion and solidarity that we saw during the tsunami. This, I think, is something new in international affairs.

It is a shame to let that good thing just fizzle by itself. I urge you, in your discussions today, to think about how we can nurture and capitalize on this global goodwill.

Another defining event this year is the rising oil price. As we all know, this is a global problem, which affects every country.

There was a time in the past when we in Indonesia rejoiced every time the oil price increased. But today, due to greater consumption and growing imports, we sweat every time it happens, because that means we would have to pay more subsidies.

In March this year I took the decision to reduce government subsidies on some of the petroleum products, a move that sparked some protest but was economically necessary. But the problem remains. Today, oil price remains stubborn at around US$65, much higher than the budget assumption of US$40. If this trend continues, this means we have to pay about 145 trillion rupiah for subsidies, which constitutes more than one-fourth of our national budget. That is a lot of money: money can be used to build schools, hospitals, roads and other things that can stimulate growth and productivity. What’s more, bulks of those subsidies are enjoyed by those who are economically capable of paying international market price for their gasoline needs.

We all hope that the oil price will go down again sooner than later, although there is no certainty at the moment about this. The oil situation has hindered our capacity to achieve greater growth figures, and it is already a factor in the weakening of the rupiah against the US dollar.

Thus the question of rising oil price, government subsidies, and the need to protect the energy needs of the poor (who are reliant on kerosene) will continue to be at the forefront of my government’s economic agendas. And you can be sure that such decision will have political and social ramifications. The question is how we can minimize those ramifications.

The answer to this problem is a comprehensive energy policy for Indonesia. A fundamental solution to fundamental energy problem.

This means many things. It means that Indonesians will need to become more energy efficient, and currently my government has launched a nationwide campaign urging people to save energy. We will need to diversify our energy sources, away from oil, and more use of gas, solar and other alternative sources, including biodiesel. It also means we have to increase our oil production, and my aim is to raise it from 1.1 million barrels a day today to around 1.4 million barrel a day in the next 4 years.

I’m hopeful that we can do this, with Cepu and Jeruk field, and with new oil refineries built. Just yesterday I took greet pleasure in opening the Kilang Langit Biru, blue-sky refinery operation in West Java, with a capacity of producing 50,000 barrel a day.

Another problem of global proportion that we face is terrorism.

Indonesia had a series of major attacks: the Bali bombing in 2002, the Marriot bombing in 2003 and the car bombing of the Australian Embassy in Jakarta in 2004. Indonesia therefore has been at the frontline in the global struggle against terrorism.

This year we have been rather fortunate not to have experienced so far a major terrorist attack. But we know that the terrorist cells are still active. They are still hiding, recruiting, networking, trying to find new funding source, and even planning. We are still actively looking for dangerous bomb maker, Malaysian Dr. Azahari and Noordin Muhammad Top. And we suffered from bombing attacks in Poso few months ago.

Fighting terrorism will continue to be our top priority in Indonesia. We will continue to pursue these terrorist groups wherever they may be hiding. We will continue our international cooperation involving the police, intelligence and immigration. We will strengthen the hands of the religious moderates.

And most importantly, I assure you that Indonesia will remain firm in maintaining a tolerant nation where freedom of religion is respected. You may read from time to time the voice of small radical groups, but these voices will not change the fact that mainstream Indonesia will continue to be moderate and tolerant and democratic. If you look at our elections results last year, you can derive the same conclusion.

So these are, in a nutshell, an overview of some of Indonesia’s key events and issues. It is hardly an exhaustive list, but if you want a comprehensive report, you should have been at my budget speech at parliament a few days ago.

In any case, I hope from this short remarks you will get the sense of the enormity of the challenges faced by Indonesia, and also share my optimism that Indonesia can meet those challenges, in the same way Indonesia overcame past trials and tribulations.

Earlier in my remarks I referred to Indonesia being the world’s third largest democracy. While that is a great thing in itself, I think the real challenge is not about the status being a larges democracy, but about the honor of being a successful democracy, a functioning democracy and in Indonesia’s case that means being a tolerant and stable and unified multiethnic democracy. And that also means building a democracy that actually gives our people real democracy.

Source: The Manila Times -- http://www.manilatimes.net/

PART 1 OF 2: DEMOCRACY AND DEVELOPMENT IN INDONESIA

noreply@blogger.com (Caping Gunung) — Sat, 30 May 2009 01:37:00 +0000

http://www.indonesia-ottawa.org/information/details.php?type=news_copy&id=1460
The Manila Times - September 02, 2005

By Dr. Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono

(First of two parts)

(Remarks at the opening of the Sixth Asian European Editors’ Forum, Jakarta, Indonesia, August 29, sponsored by the Konrad Adenauer Foundation.)

YOU have come to Indonesia at an interesting time.

It is a time when Indonesia is grappling with weakening rupiah against the US dollar, when we are recovering from the tsunami, when rising oil price is giving our budget a sting, and when we have finally secured the long-awaited peace deal in Aceh.

The larger picture, of course, is that you have come at an exciting time for a nation in the midst of vibrant democratic transformation. I do not know how many of you have been to Indonesia before. But if the last time you came was before 1997, then you are in for a big surprise.

Indonesia is a very different country today compared to a few years back. So much has changed in such a relatively short time. Come to think of it, the fact that an Indonesian President is visiting 40 international journalists in their hotel for a brainstorming session is one indication of that change.

Among the many ways Indonesia has changed, I think the most fundamental one is that Indonesia is now transformed as the world’s third largest democracy, after India and the US. In terms of voting turnout, Indonesia would be ranked No. 2, after India, because more people voted in last year’s elections in Indonesia than those who voted in the US elections. India of course is an old democracy, the American democracy even older. So if you count only countries that have recently made it into the community of democracies, the so-called Third Wave of Democracies, then Indonesia would be right at the front.

A key milestone in our democratic transformation is the elections last year. It was a long and exhaustive elections, which took nine months to complete. We had three electoral rounds: one for legislative elections, two for presidential elections. What amazed me to this day was that in each of the three elections, more than 100 million people turned out to vote. It is a clear sign that democracy is here to stay, that democracy has reached a point of no return.

The 1999 elections have also produced tremendous expectations on the part of the electorate towards the Presidency. This high expectation was a welcome contrast to the public cynicism toward government and reforms that had developed prior to the elections.

Such high expectations also took place against the backdrop of what I think would rank as the most difficult first year faced by any Indonesian president, and by this of course I am referring to the catastrophic tsunami tragedy.

I believe that the 1999 elections gave the President of Indonesia an overwhelming political and moral mandate for change, directly obtained from the people. Change can come from all directions, but insofar as I am concerned, change must also emanate very clearly from the top, and radiate outward from the center throughout the whole system.

That is why my first order of business in the government was to ensure a credible Cabinet, and by that I mean having clean and competent ministers. Before signing them on, I asked each one of them to sign a “political contract” with me where they are bound to maintain the highest standard of ethics, integrity and professionalism. I also asked them to submit all information pertaining to their personal wealth to an audit committee and make that information public. And I made it crystal clear that no member of their family or friends should benefit from their position in public office.

It is my objective to keep that stand high until the end of my term in office.

That standard is particularly important if we are to succeed in fighting corruption.

If you ask me what would be the most important issue to the voters, I would say this: it is corruption. And that remains true to this day, and will remain true four years from now. And Indonesia history has taught us this important lesson: once you lose the people’s trust, you lose credibility—and authority to govern—in a way that would be extremely hard to recover from.

Since becoming president, I have given the police and the attorney general permission to investigate 59 high officials throughout the country, including governors, parliamentarians, regents and mayors. I have launched a firm campaign against illegal loggers, so that for the first time hundreds of them are now in jail. I have also formed a special team to fight corruption, comprising of 45 dedicated professionals, to uncover “big fish” corruption cases. And I signed a Presidential Decree ordering the all ministers and government agencies to undertake systematic efforts to clean up corruption in their premises, and to periodically report their efforts to me personally.

What I intend to demonstrate that no one is untouchable; no one can escape the arms of justice forever.

I am realistic to accept that we will probably not be to completely eradicate corruption Indonesia. But I am also realistic to expect that corruption in this country will be the exception rather than the rule.

Another legacy that I wish to create is a peaceful and united Indonesia.

In this context, I think the Aceh peace deal signed on August 15 in Helsinki between my government and the leaders of the Free Aceh Movement is a milestone achievement.

To be honest, even though during elections I had called for peace in Aceh as a top priority, I did not imagine that we would be able to do it in 10 months after my inauguration, but with God’s blessing, we did. As a result of the deal, GAM has abandoned its demands to separate Aceh from Indonesia, and has agreed to hand-over their weapons, which will be immediately destroyed, in exchange for their full political, economic, social and cultural participation in an autonomous Aceh within the framework of a united Indonesia. That in itself is an incredible breakthrough, and US Cong. Robert Wexler, who came to see me in my office recently, called it as big as the Israel-Palestine peace or the Northern Ireland peace deal. I did not disagree with him, of course.

The Aceh peace deal is historically and politically significant, because it breaks the lingering myth that, after East Timor, Indonesia is on the brink of balkanization, breaking into smaller and smaller parts. The reintegration of former GAM members into the Indonesian society will make Indonesia more united and stronger. What we need to do urgently for now is to ensure that the various elements of the peace deal are immediately translated into living reality on the ground. And as you all know, implementing a peace agreement is often more difficult than writing it.

The Aceh peace deal, however, was not the biggest news of the year it was the giant tsunamis on December 26, 2004, a catastrophe that truly consumed national and global attention.

The tsunami is the worst natural disaster faced by Indonesia. It is certainly the most difficult ordeal that I have faced in my entire career in public office. I mean, how do you deal with the tragic loss of 200,000 fellow countrymen in a matter of minutes?

In retrospect, I think we in Indonesia responded to the crises well. We marshaled all our resources to save lives, rescue survivors, collect and bury the dead, provide shelter to the homeless, deliver food and medicine and reestablish government functions, all under very difficult terrain. We also coordinated and supervised what would amount to be the largest international humanitarian operations in recent memory.

Today Aceh is slowly but surely getting back on its feet. The challenge now is how to rebuild Aceh speedily with the available resources. We have produced an ambitious blueprint for the reconstruction of Aceh, and we have established an Agency for the Reconstruction of Aceh, headed by the respected Dr. Kuntoro to implement this program and manage the funds and material resources that are coming in.

I see the Aceh reconstruction project as a window to the new Indonesia. It is a hallmark of transparency, professionalism and integrity.

Source: The Manila Times -- http://www.manilatimes.net/

SBY dan Kebijakannya

noreply@blogger.com (Caping Gunung) — Wed, 27 May 2009 04:24:00 +0000

Submitted by criptoxion on Wed, 27/05/2009 - 08:54
http://www.sbypresidenku.com/content/sby_dan_kebijakannya

Kebijakan yang Dibuat oleh SBY untuk Rakyat Indonesia
1. BLT
BLT merupakan kebijakan yang menurut saya cerdas, hal ini telah dirasakan oleh masyarakat Indonesia. ide ini datang dari pemerintah dan SBYlah yang memutuskan program ini. ide-ide ini menjadi bukti bahwa anggotanya dan pemimpinnya memiliki ide yang cermat.

2. Impor susu
Sudah bukan rahasia lagi bahwa susu itu sangat diperlukan untuk meningkatkan gizi anak, dan secara tidak langsung susu mencerdaskan bangsa. Jika harga susu melambung tinggi dan rakyat tidak mampu membeli berarti sama saja itu menyengsaraka rakyat. Oleh karena itu perlu penyetabilan harga. Kebijakan ini pastinya sudah dipikirkan oleh bapak SBY dan timnya, mengenai untung dan ruginya impor susu tersebut.

3. PNPN mandiri
program ini sangat bagus untuk usaha-usaha kecil menengah.

masih ada lagi program-program lain yang menunjukkan prestasi pak SBY,
LANJUTKAN DAN TINGKATKAN

Pilihan Cawapres (Pak. Prof Budiono) Yang Tepat

noreply@blogger.com (Caping Gunung) — Wed, 27 May 2009 04:22:00 +0000

Submitted by sulaefi on Wed, 27/05/2009 - 08:26
http://www.sbypresidenku.com/content/pilihan_cawapres_pak_prof_budiono_yang_tepat

Selama ini setelah era Reformasi Presiden maupun Wakil Presiden selalu dari kalangan partai politik. Saya bukannya tidak setuju. Setuju saja dengan syarat harus individu yang memiliki kredibilitas. Untuk urusan kredibilitas atau tidak, tidak ada hubungannya dengan partai politik. Kredibilitas bersangkutan dengan individu tersebut. Seperti Lembaga Ketahanan Nasional (LEMHANNAS) yang mendidik para calon pemimpin bangsa melalui pendidikan selama 9 bulan untuk yang reguler dan 4 bulan untuk yang khusus.

Banyak kontroversi mengenai pemilihan cawapres bapak SBY, tetapi saya termasuk setuju. Banyak Cawapres yang tidak mampu menaikkan Citra Indonesia di mata dunia luar. Bahkan citra bangsa Indonesia semakin terpuruk. Untuk memperbaiki citra Indonesia perlu figur yang bisa bekerja bukan hanya pandai berbicara. Sosok seperti itu ada pada seorang Prof. Budiono yang selain tidak banyak bicara tetapi banyak bekerja dan beliau juga diakui oleh dunia internasional. Indonesia butuh Individu yang diakui secara internasional. Saya sangat yakin bahwa niat yang ada di benak Pak SBY adalah bagaimana meningkatkan citra bangsa Indonesia di dunia internasional.

Keinginan Pak SBY adalah selain meningkatkan kesejahteraan rakyat Indonesia juga meningkatkan citra bangsa di dunia internasional. Itu penting. Karena untuk meningkatkan kesejahteraan bangsa dan citra itu diperlukan kualitas bangsa dalam segala bidang. Saya harapkan nanti Pak Prof Budiono dapat melakasanakan secara riil perekonomian bangsa yang juga meningkatkan kesejahreaan rakyat kecil terutama kalangan petani, nelayan.

Jadi pembangunan Ekonomi Indonesia bukan hanya sekedar membangun para pengusahanya saja. Saya yakin Pak SBY dan Pak Budiono sanggup melakukan itu. Saya dan teman-teman berusaha mendukung dengan konsep membangunan sektor pertanian, nelayan, peternakan, dan lainnya.

Selamat Berjuang Pasangan SBY dan Budiono. Saya yakin pasangan ini yang akan memenangkan Pilpres tanggal 8 Juni 2009 nanti. Rakyat Indonesia sudah banyak belajar dari pengalaman perpolitikan Indonesia. Meskipun mereka bukan anggota partai politik tetapi mereka mengerti siapa yang seharusnya mereka pilih.

Isu Neolib Tidak Akan Pengaruhi Duet SBY-Boediono

noreply@blogger.com (Caping Gunung) — Wed, 27 May 2009 04:19:00 +0000

Submitted by asfia on Wed, 27/05/2009 - 11:01
http://www.sbypresidenku.com/content/isu_neolib_tidak_akan_pengaruhi_duet_sby_boediono

Jakarta - Isu neoliberal diyakini tidak akan berpengaruh secara signifikan di mata pemilih dalam pemilihan presiden mendatang. Hal itu disampaikan Direktur Eksekutif The Indonesian Center for Responsive Politics Bara Hasibuan dalam diskusi "Boedionomics" di Jakarta, Selasa (26/5).

“Perdebatan mengenai neoliberal dan kerakyatakan lebih bersifat politisasi menjelang pilpres dan kurang didasarkan pada konsep dan teori mengenai model ekonomi tersebut. Orang berbicara tanpa dasar, hanya menuduh neolib," katanya.

Bara mengatakan, sosok Boediono adalah seorang yang lurus, loyal dan tidak ambisius, ini terbukti dari banyaknya jabatan yang disandangnya. "Boediono memiliki peluang penyimpangan kekuasaan, tetapi Boediono tidak lakukan," tukasnya.

Mengenai penilaian bahwa Boediono bukan politisi andal, menurut Bara jabatan di kabinet, Bappenas maupun di Bank Indonesia (BI) tidak semata-mata hanya terkait persoalan ekonomi.

"Jabatan yang pernah dipegang itu berkaitan dengan proses politik di DPR, tidak mungkin beliau mampu menjalani tugas tanpa memiliki pemahaman dan pengalaman yang memadai di bidang politik.” terangnya.

Sementara itu, pengamat ekonomi Raden Pardede, menangapi penilaian mengenai Boediono yang dianggap kurang lugas (kaku) dalam menjalankan tugas. Itu karena Boediono merupakan orang yang sangat taat kepada aturan, dimana kebijakannya mempunyai dasar yang kuat.

"Ada yang mempersoalkan Boediono belum menyetujui pembangunan monorel, ya karena pembangunan itu belum disetujui DPR, jika tanpa persetujuan DPR nanti bisa muncul interpelasi atau angket," jelasnya.ant-kp66

Sumber: Kabar Pemilu

3 Pasangan Pilpres, Ada Kelebihan dan Kekurangan

noreply@blogger.com (Caping Gunung) — Wed, 27 May 2009 04:12:00 +0000

Rio, Willy
Sabtu, 16/05/2009 13:07 WIB
http://beritabaru.com/headline.php?id=13407

Jakarta, beritabaru.com - Ketua Dewan Syuro Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa, KH. Abdurahman Wahid menilai, tiga pasangan yang akan maju pilpres nanti masing-masing punya kelebihan dan kekurangan.

"SBY-Boediono itu IMF, mereka ingin menata ekonomi dunia, Mega-Prabowo punya kelebihan ekonomi kerakyatan, JK-Wiranto Pandai berdagang" ujarnya.

Pria yang akrab disapa Gusdur tersebut melanjutkan, dari ketiga calon presiden tersebut yang paling tidak memihak kepada Indonesia adalah pasangan SBY-Boediono, pasalnya kedua calon tersebut sangat sulit untuk menolak bujukan dan rayuan IMF untuk masuk ke Indonesia.

"Kewajiban kita untuk menolaknya, karena Budi itu stafnya IMF kalau dilihat dari sini Budi itu nggak berani menolak (maunya IMF)" jelasnya.

Untuk itulah, Gusdur lebih memilih tidak menjagokan siapapun yang maju untuk bertarung memperebutkan kursi nomor satu di negeri ini, ketimbang ia memilih salah satu dari ketiga calon pasangan capres.

"Saya memilih diri sendiri" imbuhnya.

Namun, saat ditanyakan lebih lanjut mengapa Gusdur tidak memilih salah satu dari ketiga calon presiden dan wakil presiden, mantan Presiden Indonesia ini lebih memilih bungkam.

Plus Minus Boediono dan Sri Mulyani

noreply@blogger.com (Caping Gunung) — Wed, 27 May 2009 04:10:00 +0000

Selasa, 1 April 2008 | 06:10 WIB
http://www.kompas.com/lipsus052009/antasariread/2008/04/01/06104491/plus.minus.boediono.dan.sri.mulyani

JAKARTA, SELASA-Pengamat ekonomi politik Ichsanuddin Noorsy beranggapan, bursa pencalonan gubernur Bank Indonesia, diibaratkan memancing ikan di dalam akuarium. Terbatasnya figur yang layak dicalonkan sebagai cagub BI, sangat terkesan terbatas sekali dan miskin figur yang memiliki potensi menggantikan Burhanuddin Abdullah yang dianggap memiliki integritas tinggi.

"Jadi, ibarat memancing ikan di akuarium saja. Indonesia miskin figur potensial untuk memimpin lembaga moneter tertinggi ini. Tampilnya dua sosok cagub BI (Boediono dan Sri Mulyani) ini, membuktikan mafia Barkeley sudah memenangkan pertarungan sebelum pertarungan itu dimulai pada 2009. Tampilnya mereka mengindikasikan kebijakan moneter Indonesia sekedar menjadi pengikut ditaktornya pasar," ujar Noorsy kepada Persda Network, Senin (31/3)

Plus minus Boediono dan Sri Mulyani bila diajukan sebagai Gubernur BI menggantikan Burhanuddin Abdullah versi Ichsanuddin Noorsy.

Keunggulan Boediono;
*berlatar belakang Bank Indonesia
*bicaranya terbatas dan tenang
* kompetensi keilmuan sangat memadai.

Kekurangan Boediono;
*tidak decisive (meyakinkan) karena sering berbeda pandangan dengan Wakil Presiden Jusuf Kalla, termasuk dalam merancan liberalisasi perbankan.
*salah satu pejabat yang menyalurkan BLBI, memberikan rekapitulasi perbankan Rp 420,6 triltun sebagai APBN terbebani Rp 50-60 trilyun/tahun sampai dengan tahun 2003.
*salah satu pejabat yang menjual perbankan nasional yang direkap sehingga saat jatuh tempo 2033 pemerintah harus membayar total sekitar Rp 1900 trilyun
*pada 19 Juli 2007 nyatakan pemerintah tidak menerapkan konsensus Washington. (hari ini Presiden SBY mengakui pemerintah menerapkan konsensus tapi dengan penyesuaian

Keunggulan Sri Mulyani;
*pernah menjadi direktur IMF mewakili Indonesia
*pernah menjadi wakil kepada Bappenas
*menjadi menkeu
*dari segi keilmuan cukup

Kekurangan Sri Mulyani;
*saat jadi direktur IMF pernah diprotes beberapa negara yang diwakilinya karena tidak berbicara dan bersuara berdasarkan kepentingan negara yang diwakili
*saat menjadi Kepala Bappenas kepemimpinannya dianggap banyak pengamat amburadul
*saat di Depkeu, menciptakan kecemburuan departemen lain karena membedakan remunerasi.Karenany a diprotes oleh banyak departemen
*Sosok yang pandai berartikulasi kata-kata

(Persda Network/Rachmat Hidayat)

Dari Pacitan ke Istana Kepresidenan

noreply@blogger.com (Caping Gunung) — Tue, 26 May 2009 04:25:00 +0000

http://www.sbypresidenku.com/sbydetail/view/0

SBY lahir di lingkungan Pondok Pesantren Tremas, Pacitan, Jawa Timur pada 9 September 1949. SBY adalah anak tunggal dari pasangan R Soekotjo dan Siti Habibah. Ayahnya R Soekotjo adalah seorang Bintara Angkatan Darat, sementara ibunya, Siti Habibah, putri salah seorang pendiri pondok pesantren Tremas.

R Soektotjo memberi nama Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono karena penuh makna. Susilo berarti orang yang santun dan penuh kesusilaan. Bambang artinya ksatria. Yudho bermakna perang dan Yono berarti kemenangan. Jadi Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono berarti seorang yang santun, penuh kesusilaan, ksatria dan berhasil memenangkan setiap peperangan.

SBY meraih lulusan terbaik AKABRI Darat tahun 1973, dan terus mengabdi sebagai perwira TNI sepanjang 27 tahun. Beliau meraih pangkat Jendral TNI pada tahun 2000. Sepanjang masa itu, beliau mengikuti serangkaian pendidikan dan pelatihan di Indonesia dan luar negeri, antara lain Seskoad di mana pernah pula menjadi dosen, serta Command and General Staff College di Amerika Serikat. Dalam tugas militernya, beliau menjadi komandan pasukan dan teritorial, perwira staf, pelatih dan dosen, baik di daerah operasi maupun markas besar. Penugasan itu diantaranya, Komandan Brigade Infanteri Lintas Udara 17 Kostrad, Panglima Kodam II Sriwijaya dan Kepala Staf Teritorial TNI.

Selain di dalam negeri, beliau juga bertugas pada misi-misi luar negeri, seperti ketika menjadi Commander of United Nations Military Observers dan Komandan Kontingen Indonesia di Bosnia Herzegovina pada 1995-1996.

Setelah mengabdi sebagai perwira TNI selama 27 tahun, beliau mengalami percepatan masa pensiun maju 5 tahun ketika menjabat Menteri di tahun 2000. Atas pengabdiannya, beliau menerima 24 tanda kehormatan dan bintang jasa, diantaranya Satya Lencana PBB UNPKF, Bintang Dharma dan Bintang Maha Putra Adipurna. Atas jasa-jasanya yang melebihi panggilan tugas, beliau menerima bintang jasa tertinggi di Indonesia, Bintang Republik Indonesia Adipurna.

Sebelum dipilih rakyat dalam pemilihan presiden langsung, SBY melaksanakan banyak tugas-tugas pemerintahan, termasuk sebagai Menteri Pertambangan dan Energi serta Menteri Koordinator Politik, Sosial dan Keamanan pada Kabinet Persatuan Nasional di jaman Presiden Abdurrahman Wahid. Beliau juga bertugas sebagai Menteri Koordinator Politik dan Keamanan dalam Kabinet Gotong-Royong di masa Presiden Megawati Soekarnoputri. Pada saat bertugas sebagai Menteri Koordinator inilah beliau dikenal luas di dunia internasional karena memimpin upaya-upaya Indonesia memerangi terorisme.

SBY juga dikenal aktif dalam berbagai organisasi masyarakat sipil. Beliau pernah menjabat sebagai Co-Chairman of the Governing Board of the Partnership for the Governance Reform, suatu upaya bersama Indonesia dan organisasi-organisasi internasional untuk meningkatkan tata kepemerintahan di Indonesia. Beliau adalah juga Ketua Dewan Pembina di Brighten Institute, sebuah lembaga kajian tentang teori dan praktik kebijakan pembangunan nasional.

SBY adalah seorang penggemar baca dengan koleksi belasan ribu buku, dan telah menulis sejumlah buku dan artikel seperti: Transforming Indonesia: Selected International Speeches (2005), Peace deal with Aceh is just a beginning (2005), The Making of a Hero (2005), Revitalization of the Indonesian Economy: Business, Politics and Good Governance (2002), dan Coping with the Crisis - Securing the Reform (1999). Ada pula Taman Kehidupan, sebuah antologi yang ditulisnya pada 2004. Presiden Yudhoyono adalah penutur fasih bahasa Inggris.

Dia juga seorang ilmuwan teruji, beliau meraih gelar Master in Management dari Webster University, Amerika Serikat tahun 1991. Lanjutan studinya berlangsung di Institut Pertanian Bogor, dan di 2004 meraih Doktor Ekonomi Pertanian. Pada 2005, beliau memperoleh anugerah dua Doctor Honoris Causa, masing-masing dari almamaternya Webster University untuk ilmu hukum, dan dari Thammasat University di Thailand ilmu politik.

SBY adalah seorang Muslim yang taat. Beliau menikah dengan Ibu Ani Herrawati dan mereka dikaruniai dengan dua anak lelaki. Pertama adalah Kapten Inf Agus Harimurti Yudhoyono MSc, lulusan terbaik Akademi Militer tahun 2000 yang sekarang bertugas di satuan elit Batalyon Lintas Udara 305 Kostrad. Putra kedua, Edhie Baskoro Yudhoyono MSc, mendapat gelar bidang Ekonomi dari Curtin University, Australia.

SBY BERBUDI : SBY Bersama Boediono

noreply@blogger.com (Caping Gunung) — Sat, 16 May 2009 08:11:00 +0000

Bandung, 15 Mei 2009

Hari ini di gedung Sasana Budaya Ganesha bandung, Deklarasi Capres dan Cawapres Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono telah resmi menjadi Calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden dengan jargon "SBY Berbudi" atau SBY Bersama Boediono. Untuk pemilihan Presiden Periode 2009 - 2014.

Menurut Pidatonya dalam Deklarasi tersebut SBY menyebutkan kenapa saya memilih Boediono sebagai pendampingnya nanti, menurut penuturan beliau karena Boediono telah menjalin kerjasamanya selama 20 tahun sewaktu SBY masih menjabat sebagai Menteri, dan yang perlu digaris bawahi adalah Pak Boediono adalah seorang muslim yang taat, mungkin itu salah satu SBY memilih Boediono sebagai pendampingnya nanti. Sedangkan Boediono dalam pidatonya menyebutkan bahwa ini adalah kesempatan saya untuk melaksanakan tugas yang lebih berat lagi dengan tantangan yang beragam dan hal ini terasa sebelum deklarasi dilaksanakan. Apakah negara kita akan semakin sejahtera dan bisa menjadi negara yang lebih maju dan rakyat menjadi makmur. kita tunggu peranan SBY Berbudi memimpin negara kita, seandainya mereka nantinya terpilih lagi menjadi presiden NKRI.

Sebagai Catatan Untuk urusan politik saya serahkan kepada seluruh blogger indonesia untuk menentukan pilihannya, dan pergunakanlah hak pilih anda untuk menentukan nasib negara kita.

Deklarasi SBY-Boediono Tiru Obama-Biden

noreply@blogger.com (Caping Gunung) — Sat, 16 May 2009 07:01:00 +0000

Jumat, 15 Mei 2009 | 15:56 WIB

JAKARTA, KOMPAS.com — Pasangan calon presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono dan calon wakil presiden Boediono rencananya akan diumumkan di Sasana Budaya Ganesa (Sabuga) Institut Teknologi Bandung, Jumat (15/5) malam ini. Prosesi atau tata cara akan meniru pendeklarasian calon presiden Amerika Barack Husein Obama dan calon wakil presiden Joe Biden, yang dilaksanakan di Illionis, 23 Agustus 2008.

Ketua DPP Partai Demokrat Ahmad Mubarok mengakui kalau deklarasi SBY-Boediono akan digelar mirip deklarasi Obama-Joe Biden. "Ya mirip-mirip itulah," tegas Mubarok. Penegasan senada disampaikan salah seorang anggota tim sukses SBY. "Deklarasinya meniru deklarasi Obama-Joe Biden," tegasnya.

Kendati demikian, Mubarok tidak mau menjelaskan secara detail bagaimana prosesi deklarasi yang dimiripkan dengan Obama. "Kalau soal teknisnya, itu panitia sajalah. Saya tahunya hanya konsep besarnya," elak Mubarok.

Direktur Eksekutif Bravo Media Centre/Fox Indonesia, Choel Mallarangeng, selaku konsultan sekaligus event organizer deklarasi, mengatakan, acara dikemas salam suasana khidmat, bukan hura-hura dan pesta pora. Dia tidak membantah proses meniru gaya Barack Obama Husein-Joe Biden, tetapi juga melihat banyak proses serupa di negara lain.

"Bukan hanya acara deklarasi Obama yang bagus, tetapi juga Sarkozy di Perancis dan Merkel, Kanselir Jerman. Di Indonesia pun banyak acara yang elegan yang bisa ditiru," kata Choel. Kini Nicolas Sarkozy dari Partai Uni Gerakan Populer menjadi Presiden Perancis, dan Angela Merkel dari Partai Kristen Demokrat (CDU/CSU) menjadi Kanselir Jerman.

Menurut dia, tim kreatif mendesain acara dengan melihat berbagai acara yang pernah berlangsung, baik dari luar negeri maupun di dalam negeri. "Yang pasti, suasana dibuat khidmat, bukan hura-hura atau pesta pora sehingga tidak banyak artis, atau penyanyi," kata Choel, adik kandung Juru Bicara Kepresidenan Andi Mallarangeng.

Saat deklarasi, SBY dan Boediono akan mengenakan kemeja katun warna merah-putih-merah dengan variasi bordir di bagian depan kiri dan kanannya, memanjang dari atas ke bawah. Pakaian SBY dan Boediono dijahit A Liong dari Kwong Tung Tailor.

Jalannya acara deklarasi akan dipandu presenter sekaligus bintang iklan Muhammad Farhan. Ia akan ditemani Ferdi Hasan, Tengku Melinda, dan Maudi Kusnadi. Di sela waktu, SBY-Boediono beserta tetamu akan dihibur Bimbo, dan Elfa Secioria Hasbullah.

Menurut dia, deklarasi akan ditandai dengan antara lain calon presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono naik ke mimbar dan mengenalkan calon wakil presiden pendampingnya. Kemudian berpidato kurang lebih 10 menit. Choel sendiri tidak bersedia menyebut calon wakil presiden SBY. Namun, dia menyebut calon wakil presiden juga diberi waktu berpidato.

Choel mengatakan, khalayak yang menyatakan kesediaan datang berjumlah 10.000 orang. Namun karena keterbatasan kapasitas gedung, tidak semua dapat ditampung. Undangan dari Jakarta di antaranya tokoh politik dari parpol pendukung koalisi. Sedangkan rival SBY, seperti Jusuf Kalla yang masih menjabat Wakil Presiden, calon wakil presiden Wiranto, calon presiden Megawati Soekarnoputri, dan calon presiden Prabowo Subianto pun tidak diundang.

Pendapat senada Choel dikemukakan Ketua DPP Demokrat Max Sopacua yang mengatakan bahwa acara deklarasi nanti dibuat khidmat. Acara yang dimulai pukul 19.00 tidak banyak menampilkan artis penghibur. "Acaranya khidmat lah pokoknya," tegasnya.

Max yang terlibat dalam sesi acara mengatakan, nantinya SBY dan Boediono akan masuk ke panggung secara bersamaan. Namun, saat dicecar apakah akan dibuat seperti Obama dan Joe Biden yang berlari di sisi kiri dan kanan panggung sehingga bertemu di tengah panggung dan saling berangkulan, Max mengaku tidak tahu persis. "Setahu saya setelah mereka berdua di atas panggung dan bersalaman, Pak SBY dan Pak Boediono gantian berpidato," tegas Max.

Max menjelaskan, kapasitas Gedung Sabuga sebanyak 1.500 orang. Dengan demikian, jumlah tamu undangan pun kemungkinan hanya sekitar 2.000 orang. Termasuk undangan yang banyak sehingga sengaja diberi tempat duduk di luar Gedung Sabuga.

Tamu undangannya adalah pimpinan partai pendukung koalisi, yakni PKS, PAN, PPP, dan PKB. "Pimpinan itu kan ketua, wakil ketua dan sekjen," tegasnya.

Namun, saat ditanya apakah pimpinan PKS dan PAN sudah memastikan hadir lantaran mereka kecewa dengan dipilihnya Boediono sebagai cawapres, Max mengaku tidak tahu persis. "Kalau soal undangan tamu, ada yang mengurus itu. Saya tidak tahu," tegasnya. (Domu Damiannus Ambarita/Yuli Sulistyawan)

Sumber : Persda Network
Akses http://m.kompas.com dimana saja melalui ponsel, Blackberry atau iPhone Anda.

Boediono

noreply@blogger.com (Caping Gunung) — Sat, 16 May 2009 05:39:00 +0000

Boediono is a beaurocrat, not politician and therefore he’s relatively unknown except among his colleague. His name become news headline, attracts pro and cons among politicians, after President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) decided to pick him as his running mate for July presidential election.

Who’s ‘Boediono?

Boediono (born February 25, 1943, Blitar, East Java), is the current Governor of Indonesia’s Central Bank.

Education
Bachelor of Economics, University of Western Australia (1967) Master of Economics, Monash University, Australia (1972) Ph.D. in business economics, Wharton School, University of Pennsylvania, the United States of America (1979)

Career
Lecturer in economics at Gadjah Mada University; Bank Indonesia’s deputy governor in charge of fiscal monetary policy (1997- 1998); State Minister for National Planning and Development (1998-Oct. 1999); Minister of Finance (2001-2004); Coordinating Minister for Economic Affairs (2005-2008).

Works (Books / Publication) Authored or Co-authored by him
Mubyarto, Boediono, Ace Partadiredja. 1981. Ekonomi Pancasila. BPFE. Yogyakarta.
Boediono. 2001. Indonesia menghadapi ekonomi global. BPFE. Yogyakarta.
Boediono. 1986. Strategi Industrialisasi: Adakah Titik Temu ? Prisma Tahun XV, No.1.

Critique against his economic policies

* Regarded as the agent of IMF, ADB and World Bank–called by some as Mafia Barkeley– which want to see Indonesia as fully capitalist country. Amin Rais, the prominent leader of PAN party and leading figure of Reformasi movement in 1998 that brought down Suharto calls Boediono as Neo-Lib fanatic.
* When Megawati became president in 2002-2004, he became Minister of Finance during which he famously quoted as saying that all government subsidies should be abolished. No protection should be given to farmers.

Source: Wikipedia and others

JALAN TERJAL SBY-BUDIONO

noreply@blogger.com (Caping Gunung) — Wed, 13 May 2009 09:18:00 +0000

Oleh : Abdul Syair

SBY akan mengambil Boediono sebagai pendamping. Gubernur Bank Indonesia (BI) itu dianggap tepat menjadi cawapres. Dia hebat ‘hitung-menghitung’, bersih, dan berasal dari profesional. Boediono, di tengah banyaknya cawapres yang diajukan partai politik klan koalisi, memang merupakan jawaban yang pas.

Kalau diamati, nama Boediono muncul melalui proses seleksi ‘bumi hangus’ partai politik mitra koalisi. Itu karena PKS mengajukan Hidayat Nur Wahid untuk posisi cawapres, PAN ‘versi Amien Rais’ memajukan Hatta Rajasa, dan PKB menampilkan Muhaimin Iskandar. Uniknya, ketiganya dianggap tidak ideal. Itu karena semua menyimpan masalah. Masalah internal !

Sedang Partai Golkar pasca ‘perceraian’ SBY dengan JK, membuka ruang bagi Akbar Tandjung dan Aburizal Bakrie memajukan diri sebagai cawapres SBY. Ini sampai detik terakhir masih menyisakan Akbar Tandjung, dikocok bersama Boediono, Hatta Rajasa, dan Hidayat Nur Wahid.

Namun di last minutes ternyata pilihan jatuh ke Boediono. Pilihan moderat, agar tidak ‘menyakiti’ partai yang berkoalisi. Kabar yang hampir pasti itu menurut rencana dideklarasikan hari Jumat. Hari yang bakal terbuka goro-goro. Keributan panjang sampai masa contrengan pilihan presiden tiba.

Politik bukanlah matematika. Satu tambah satu sama dengan dua. Politik itu cara, seni kalkulasi. Kalau diangkakan mirip rumus toto gelap (togel). Angka pasti menjadi tidak pasti, tapi yang tidak pasti berubah jadi pasti. Itu karena ada angka mistik, angka penjumlahan, juga angka setan.

Boediono adalah angka pasti. Dia hebat dalam bidang ekonomi. Akurasi hitungan sangat jempolan. Dia bersih dari rumor pat-gulipat uang. Dan tidak banyak omong dalam berbagai persoalan. Dia memang figur bagus dari sisi bibit, bobot dan bebet. Bersih, loyal, teguh pendirian, sehingga ‘ya’ dan ‘tidak’ menjadi terang benderang di tangan dia. Bukan abu-abu.

Bagi bangsa ini, Boediono adalah salah satu aset langka. Dia bak Baharudin Lopa. Dan bagi saya tidak jauh dengan Sri Mulyani, Kapolri lama dan Kapolri kini, juga Hendarman Supanji. Tapi tokoh macam itu tidak bisa disamakan dengan sosok idaman untuk jabatan pucuk pimpinan. Sebab mereka bukan ‘pemain’. Mereka rentan digoyang dan ‘didiskreditkan’.

Karakter SBY sebenarnya tidaklah jauh dari Boediono. Karakter macam ini selain idealistis, juga punya kelemahan yang mendasar. Gampang diseret dalam polemik murahan dan kuping tipis. Disindir menyindir, dipancing terpancing. Hanya karena kebijakan politiknya bermanfaat bagi rakyat dan didampingi JK yang ‘nyinyir’, maka ‘kelemahan’ SBY tertutup dan tampil sebagai sosok yang diidolakan.

Namun jika SBY didampingi tokoh yang berkarakter sama, maka bukan kekuatan yang kelak akan tampil. Justru ‘kebaikan’ keduanya bakal melahirkan ketidakbaikan. Sebab bak main bola, keduanya akan defensif menghadapi serbuan dari lawan-lawan politiknya, terutama di parlemen. Tidak ada counter attack yang bisa dilakukan. Kalaulah ada, maka itu cenderung menyulut situasi yang chaostis.

Kenapa begitu? Karena iklim politik negeri ini masih hantam kromo. Rumor dan fitnah dianggap biasa. Intrik dan sindir-menyindir dianggap lumrah. Itu pula mengapa politik devide et impera gampang dirancang dan didistribusikan, karena kepentingannya mudah dicerna, money oriented.

Memang betul, gandeng siapa saja SBY diprediksi bakal menang. Tapi kemenangan itu rasanya bakal sangat menyakitkan jika segala kebijakan nanti terlalu dikritisi. Diteror dan dinegasikan.

Menurut saya, harusnya bukan Boediono yang diambil. Sosok yang paling cocok untuk menghadapi situasi ke depan adalah Akbar Tandjung. Tokoh ini mampu masuk ke berbagai lini, dan punya kekuatan untuk memecah suara Golkar. Dia bisa jadi martir agar dacin pemerintahan yang diramal bakal terus-terusan digoyang berjalan seimbang.

Benarkah SBY bakal pilih Boediono untuk pendamping? Kalau iya, mari kita lihat sama-sama, seberapa kekuatan SBY dan Partai Demokrat dalam menghadapi ‘teror parlemen’ jika kelak betul menang.

Tulisan ini dikirim pada pada Kamis, Mei 14th, 2009 1:12 pm dan di isikan dibawah Uncategorized. Anda dapat meneruskan melihat respon dari tulisan ini melalui RSS 2.0 feed. Anda dapat merespon, or trackback dari website anda.

http://syair79.wordpress.com/2009/05/14/jalan-terjal-sby-budiono/

Obama the First US President with a Blog

noreply@blogger.com (Caping Gunung) — Wed, 13 May 2009 09:15:00 +0000

Filed Under Culture, News, blogging in A. Fatih Syuhud

A day Obama is anaugurated on January 20, the first post of his blog were born. Visit his blog at http://www.whitehouse.gov/blog/. The first post was written by apparently his Director of New Media (or should I call Director of Blogging?) named Macon Phillips. He writes

A short time ago, Barack Obama was sworn in as the 44th president of the United States and his new administration officially came to life. One of the first changes is the White House’s new website, which will serve as a place for the President and his administration to connect with the rest of the nation and the world.

Millions of Americans have powered President Obama’s journey to the White House, many taking advantage of the internet to play a role in shaping our country’s future. WhiteHouse.gov is just the beginning of the new administration’s efforts to expand and deepen this online engagement.

Just like your new government, WhiteHouse.gov and the rest of the Administration’s online programs will put citizens first. Our initial new media efforts will center around three priorities: Communication - Transparency - Participation -

A blog owned by President Obama is certainly the first in US or may be by any head of state in the world. Indonesian President SBY has a website, but it’s a website. Not a blog.

In the footer of the blog we can see many links directed to some informations concerning Obama’s future plan including his agenda on Iraq, Civil Rights, Defense, etc.

The latest post dated January 21, was the transcript of President Obama inaugural address and the video.

Unfortunately, it seems Obama will never write the blog himself. All posts so far were written by his staff. Had he written his blog by himself every now and then, he would have been the real Blogging President. Since a blog is originally defined as a personal diary which implies that it’s written by a blogger himself. Another flipside of Obama’s blog is the comment box is closed making its intention to open a dialog less credible. Although we see some blogs which closed the commenting facilities, it’d be better off if the comment box is open.

KEGALAUAN

noreply@blogger.com (Caping Gunung) — Fri, 17 Apr 2009 03:41:00 +0000

MAAF KAWAN2 BLOGGER..

Tau nggak kegalauanku....
Pasca PILLEG situasi sospol indonesia rada kurang stabil krn pesoalan Pemilu - spesifik pada kasus DPT, semua tahu banyak kelemahan dari proses Pemilu, dan juga berarti proses pembelajaran dan ujian bagi bangsaku -Bangsa Indonesia untuk sekali lagi berada dalam dinamika dialektikanya demokrasi.

Aku nggak bisa bicara banyak, karena aku hanyalah awam dan bukan pakar ato analis sospol. Cuman seperti warga masyarakat lainnya (aku gak mau pake istilah "rakyat" krn istilah ini terlalu berbau politis), sebagai warga negara aja aku sebut diriku, cuma mau hidup tenang, tenteram di bumi republik ini. Aku gak mau kita kembali situasi sosial kita kayak dulu lagi, era transisi - reformasi : telah mengharu-biru nasib negeri Indonesia. Kita semua tentu sangat hafal saat2 itu, SENGSARA, KACAU, SEDIH hingga kini masih menyisahkan APATISME warga negara.

Yang aku mau semua itu biarkan berlalu pergi sebagai sejarah negeri ini.

KEDEPANNYA aku mau kita hidup tenang, tentram, rukun dan produktif. Dan kita tumbuh sebagai bangsa yang besar dengan melalui ujian kali ini. Ujian yg harus kita sadari semua, harus kita pahami secara dewasa, sedewasa-dewasanya kita bisa curahkan semua potensi fikiran tenaga dan spirit agar negara kita tidak terprovokasi mengalami jaman 10 tahun silam, jaman SENGSARANYA rakyat.

COBA kita tatap kedepan -futuristic - berorientasi masa depan, pertahankan NKRI. Aku mau kita semua sabar dan legowo. Indonesia milik kita semua anak negeri, milik warga negara, dan masyarakat. Bukan milik mereka yang menyebut dirinya "RAKYAT" ATAU "PEMIMPIN". Mari kembalikan diri kita merenungi dan mengambil hikmah perjalanan bangsa dan negara kita - Indonesia hari ini. INDONESIA UNTUK MASA DEPAN YANG LEBIH BAIK.

Inilah yang ingin aku ungkapkan beberapa hari ini, namun tidak sempat. INDONESIAKU TUMPAH DARAHKU, BANGSAKU, TANAH AIRKU, JAYALAH ENGKAU NEGERIKU DAN INSYA ALLAH DENGAN DIBERKAHI ALLAH SWT. AKAN MAKMURLAH WARGA NEGARANYA. AMIN.

TERIMA KASIH kawan2 Blogger yang sempat membaca postingku ini. Aku tulusss.. Cheersss kawan.

Blog Obama

noreply@blogger.com (Caping Gunung) — Tue, 24 Feb 2009 02:03:00 +0000

Kita tau kan Presiden USA Barrack Obama punya website pribadi untuk berkomunikasi dengan publik. Kedengarannya enak juga dicontek (hehehe....) maka saya coba buat blog dengan nama Si-Obama kok diterima oleh blooger, ya akhirnya jadilah. Kenapa saya beri nama Si-Obama karena enak aja kedengarannya (it's so easy....). Ternyata yang ngeblog bisa siapa saja, dari anak sekolahan sampai profesor, dari Yusril yg habis dipecat SBY hingga Obama yang baru dilantik.

Artinya, anytime bloging, anyone for bloging, dan anywhere for bloging. Sengaja tak tulis english biar nggak dikira iklan minuman ringan Kapan saja....dimana saja....COOO.....CO..... Karena minuman ringan itu sekarang kalah sama made in Indonesia, yaitu minuman PONARI SWEAT....(ada2 aja teman blogger yg ngedit minuman pengganti ion menjadi PONARI SWEAT). Itu karena memang jaman sekarang jaman krisis-gonjang ekonomi, dimana semua negara maunya menerapkan proteksionisme terhadap produk lokal, di Jakarta para menteri dan semua pejabat negara termasuk Duta Besar RI dihimbau menggunakan produk dalam negeri misalnya sepatu (Lucu2 tuh pas peragaan sepatu niru2 para model hehe..), dan lagi proses pengadaan barang dan jasa pemerintah juga menggunakan produk dalam negeri, guna menjaga pertumbuhan pasar produk lokal.

Nah, itu sekarang kan ada produk lokal baru unggulan Kabupaten Jombang yaitu "air mujarab kobokan tangan PONARI". Mestinya pemerintah tanggap dalam menangkap peluang ini, dari pada masyarakat (yg sakit..) terus-menerus memburu PONARI hingga 4 tewas, gimana sekarang kalau Departemen PU Dir. Cipta Karya membuatkan fasilitas instalasi pendistribusian air mujarab tersebut melalui pipa (diadakan tender gitulah..) atau ada investor swasta yang memproduksi air mujarab tersebut dengan mengemas dalam botol atau gelas plastik, terus dilabeli PONARI SWEAT, jualnya kemana aja guna menyehatkan masyarakat. Ato ginama kalo dijual ke rumah sakit untuk ganti infus, wah pasti banyak yang protes karena ide ngawur ini.

Tapi ya itu budaya kita yang jelek sih yaitu budaya Ctlr-C dan Ctrl-V alias copy paste, latah ato apalah. Kalo ada yang trend dan booming lantas banyak duplikasinya. Microsoft aja sampai menganggap miring pembajakan software di Indonesia, karena di sana penegakan HAKI alias copyright dijalankan sebenar2nya, konsisten. Tapi di Indonesia gimana nih????.

Maksud saya kembali ke PONARI SWEAT mestinya di PONARI punya hak cipta atas "air kobokannya" yang diyakini masyarakat (yg sakit) bisa menyembuhkan segala penyakit, lalu muncul dukun2 tiban lainnya. Mestinya mereka itu perlu dapat sertifikat HAKI apa ya, biar dilindungi. (ini lagi idenya ngawur..)

Ya inilah dunia global, dunia tanpa batas dan dunia serba cepat, dunia populer yang penuh dengan hiruk pikuk, carut marut dan dinamika. Bangkutnya ekonomi global dan untuk sementara "bertahannya ekonomi Indonesia" memberi hikmah bahwa bangsa kita harus lebih meningkatkan kepercayaan diri. Bahwa telah terjadi penggelembungan ekonomi kapitalis Amerika yang kosong di tengah (karena riba) kini telah menuai siklus pengembosan dan penyeimbangan dengan kondisi realnya. Dan kita di Indonesia hendaknya tenang2 aja dan tidak gugup alias gumun kalo sudah saatnya resesi. Kita bisa mengandalkan produk2 lokal dan menjaga kesetiakawanan di antara anak bangsa, dan mendayagunakan peluang yang ada di sekeliling kita.

Sudah saatnya kita jaga saling percaya diantara anak bangsa, dan juga harus mewaspadai gunjang ganjing pemilu 2009, jangan sampai memunculkan isu2 yg sensitif, seperti SARA. Tetap Jaga Perdamaian, KEEP IN PEACE INDONESIA. Kita dukung kampanye Indonesia Damai, juga di dunia blogger. BLOGGER INDONESIA CINTA DAMAI. Sebagaimana carut-marut dalam Pemilihan Obama menjadi Presiden USA secara demokratis yang berakhir happy ending, maka Indonesia bisa juga menjadi negara demokratis yang dihormati oleh bangsa2 lain, karena kita bangsa yang besar & punya pengalamannya kawan. OK kawan sekali lagi kita dukung kampanye BLOGGER INDONESIA CINTA DAMAI. KEEP IN PEACEEEEEE...........INDONESIAKU..