by Leah Harmony 

There is a moment when a family legacy stops being a story and becomes a responsibility.

For Cree Ray, that moment arrived this year.

It wasn’t when she first volunteered or when she first joined the San Francisco Black Film Festival. It wasn’t even when she officially became its director.

“This year,” she told me plainly when I asked when she first felt the weight of inheriting it. “I feel it this year more than ever.”

The answer hit differently than I expected. Because the San Francisco Black Film Festival is not just another annual event. It is one of those rare Black institutions that has survived long enough to become intergenerational. 

As the third-generation director of the San Francisco Black Film Festival, Cree carries a legacy that reaches back from her father, Kali O’Ray, to her grandmother, Ave Maria Montague, the both of whom carried their presence in Bay Area Black arts and culture and helped lay the foundation for the community-centered spirit the festival still carries today. Since 2020, Cree Ray has committed the festival to the generational plan of healing the world, one film at a time, in the vision of Bay Area Black Culture, in a Bay Area that sometimes seems committed to disappearing that very aspect. 

And perhaps that’s why the interview felt less like a conversation about film and more like a conversation about preservation.

Preserving stories. Preserving institutions. Preserving community. Preserving Black San Francisco itself.

Cree’s earliest memories of the festival aren’t glamorous. They aren’t red carpets or celebrity appearances. She remembers shopping for festival clothes with Ave. She remembers following her through screenings. She remembers running through the Museum of the African Diaspora as a little girl, not fully understanding the scope of what was being built around her.

“At that age – I literally think I might have been 6 or 7,” she recalled. “I remember not fully understanding the scope of the film festival.” The understanding came later. It arrived when she was a teenager and her grandmother sent her into the Fillmore carrying stacks of festival tickets. Back when tickets were still printed on paper and you had to physically walk them into neighborhood businesses. This felt important because it was back when communities were built face-to-face. As she delivered tickets, she introduced herself as Ave Montague’s granddaughter. The response surprised her.

“Oh yeah, you’re SFBFF.” People immediately knew. Not just the festival. Her grandmother. That was the moment she realized what the festival meant to the community, and what the community meant to the festival.

Today, that community looks very different. “The number one challenge,” Cree told me, “is there’s not a lot of us there anymore.” Every Black person from the Bay knows exactly what she means. The Fillmore. Hayes Valley. West Oakland. Neighborhoods that once felt unquestionably Black now often feel like historical exhibits of themselves.

The story of the San Francisco Black Film Festival is becoming the story of Black San Francisco: trying to maintain cultural continuity while the physical community shrinks around it. That reality affects everything. Funding. Attendance. Partnerships. Staffing. Even something as simple as finding Black creatives who still live in the city.

“We truly try to keep everything within our community,” Cree explained. Black first. POC second. Not out of exclusion, but out of intention and the understanding that if Black institutions don’t intentionally invest in Black people, nobody else is going to do it for us. But maintaining that commitment gets harder every year. Especially now.

Like many arts organizations across the country, the festival has seen promised funding disappear. Grants awarded one month are rescinded the next. Resources are shrinking across the nonprofit world. Yet what stood out most wasn’t frustration. It was community.

When I asked what the community could do to support the festival, I expected a discussion about fundraising. Instead, Cree talked about showing up. Sharing posts. Attending events.

Connecting resources. Putting someone else’s event in your newsletter. Introducing one organization to another. Helping filmmakers find mentors. Helping creatives find jobs. Helping one another.

“We should all be supporting each other,” she said. Simple. Meaningful and necessary. Because the future she imagines for the festival is surprisingly uncomplicated.

“I want it to feel new and fresh and fun,” she said. Not intimidating. Not exclusive. Not burdensome. Just open, accessible and easy to participate in and easy to enjoy. At the same time, she remains fiercely protective of the festival’s mission. The integrity of the San Francisco Black Film Festival, she says, is non-negotiable.

That commitment comes directly from her grandmother’s vision. The evolution comes from her father’s influence. The future is her own. Part of that future includes reaching younger filmmakers and helping them navigate an industry that is changing faster than ever. 

Throughout our conversation, Cree repeatedly returned to a topic that often gets overlooked in creative spaces: ownership. Not simply creating films. Owning them. Understanding contracts. Protecting rights. Learning how to pitch projects. Learning how to build sustainable careers. Learning how not to sell away tomorrow for a check today.

“These are our stories,” she said. “This is part of our culture, and we don’t want that to keep getting lost throughout the years.”

That philosophy may ultimately be what separates the San Francisco Black Film Festival from countless online platforms competing for attention.The festival is not merely a screening venue. It is a gathering place, a teaching space and an important bridge between generations.

SFBFF is a place where filmmakers can learn from people who have already made the mistakes they’re about to make. That human connection became especially apparent when our conversation turned to artificial intelligence.

While Cree sees AI as a useful tool, she remains cautious about losing the human element.

“There is something missing,” she said of fully AI-generated work. The technology may become more sophisticated, but humanity and the human connection still matters. The human struggle matters; it’s part of the culture. The lesson felt larger than filmmaking. It felt like a lesson about community itself.

Today she’s excited about the submissions this year and welcoming her community on June 18th. It feels transformative, futuristic and grounded in legacy. Maybe even revolutionary. 

For the festivals in the future, she would love to see more animation and films created for Black children in general. She’s also reanimating the Pitch Fest, where young filmmakers find their film pitch voice. Once they get in the door, it’s up to them of course. She feels pride in preparing them for that moment. 

Toward the end of our conversation, Cree spoke excitedly about future plans to connect more deeply with Oakland, San Francisco and the broader Black Bay Area. Outdoor film events. Community partnerships. New collaborations.Not because Oakland and San Francisco are the same but because they need each other.

“Black Bay Area is still Black Bay Area,” she said. Facts. Now more than any other, the Black Bay Area is deeply valued and urgently important, even if it’s just to the Black Bay Area.

This year’s San Francisco Black Film Festival runs June 18-21 at the African American Art & Culture Complex alongside a week of Juneteenth celebrations, community programming and cultural events. And after speaking with Cree Ray, I’m convinced the festival is about something bigger than films.

It’s about what happens when one generation decides that the work of the last generation is worth carrying forward.

And what happens when a community decides to carry it together.

Learn more at https://www.sfbff.org/.

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by Leah Harmony 

Dear Karmelo,

I’m sorry you were misled. As captain of the track team, you probably thought you could get out of the rain at a track meet and sit under a tent, where a friend of yours greeted you, and offered you a seat.  And I’m sorry you lost that friend when he lied on the stand and said you weren’t close, despite having family photos together over the years. I have no hope that he’ll come clean one day, and you shouldn’t either.  

I’m sorry there was a photoshopped, darkened version of your mugshot used for Fox News, as well what was showed to the jury. I hate that they also erased the worry lines, and your inherent look of innocence in the process.  It’s unfair, and it’s an old and dirty way to push the perception of the angry Black male, the “YN,” the murderer. They knew the impact it would have on those who believe there’s such a thing as anti-white racism, those who believe the darker you are, the more deadly; especially where you lived, in the suburb outside of the former sundown town, Dallas. How unnerving it must have felt, and confusing, when you saw the jury before you, and not one looked like you or anyone who’s ever cared about you. You must have wondered how anyone thought these strangers were your peers. Or maybe it was then, you understood the implication, and therefore the future outcome. 

I’m sorry for the memes being circulated in the court of public opinion. That they’re yelling outside of the courthouse that you should be hung from a tree. I’m sorry for all the words towards you and your supporters. Not just the people saying Black people are “chimping out,” every time the verdict prompts a public outcry. Those are the same people who think we want George Floyd and OJ as our eternal heroes when not one of us asked for that. They grit their teeth sputtering per-capita murder stats sorted for convenience.  Because it’s only murder if it’s not state-sanctioned. They won’t mention the cold-blooded reign of murder their leaders deliver in our streets and overseas with impunity. No, they’re not worth it. Even more than Austin’s Dad, after the gag order was lifted, publicly branding you “Watermelon Felon” and absurdly claiming his people were here first while yours “were just brought over on a boat.”  No. I’m more sorry for those calling you a cold-blooded murderer while stating the verdict is “not about race” in a country where everything is about race, and the only way to get past it, is to face it and repair what was broken. Those people. They are the worst. I’m sorry. 

I’m sorry Black people fighting for your justice often appear aggressive and irrational. It gives more anti-black ammunition to the prosecutors and journalists, I believe. But you should know, the reason they do what they do, how they do it, is part emotion and part exhaustion, in equal measure. They care about you. They are fed up with the system. That is how they show their refusal to accept outcomes born of bias or, as it appears in this case, sabotage. While others will say “He knows how America is, he should have never gone into that tent,” or “he should have retreated,” these aren’t those people. These are the ones who believe no solution is born of conformity. These, though you may not see it initially, are the revolutionaries. The ones who will change the world. 

How scared you must have been when jury selection began on the same day a South Carolina jury found convenience store owner, Rick Chow, not guilty of murder for fatally shooting 14-year-old Cyrus Carmack-Belton. This after he chased the child the length of a football field, and shot him in the back after he’d fallen out of his shoes onto the ground. Or maybe Chow’s successful self- defense plea gave you hope. It was so like the murder of Latasha Harlins where her killer never saw the inside of a jail cell. Surely if you can combat a running child with a gun, you can combat a group of aggressive football players with a pocket knife. Maybe you reviewed many recent court cases while on house arrest, while your family was threatened and you had to move. Perhaps Daniel Penny’s successful self-defense plea, his freedom, and being hailed as a hero, after choking an unarmed, mentally ill man to death on a New York subway also gave you hope. George Zimmerman also successfully pled self- defense when Trayvon had only a bag of skittles on his person. You defended yourself, to the letter of the law, under the stand-your-ground law, in a stand-your-ground state.

But no, I don’t think you had the kind of hope that comes with privilege and the power of whiteness.You were probably filled with the never ending pull of the “what ifs” and the “if onlys” 

Karmelo, If you can help it, don’t go down that path. Nothing can change what has happened. We can only get ahead of, and mold that which hasn’t yet been formed against us. You may not be ok right now, but that’s alright. You will be. And you are embedded into the history of this country. Your sacrifice will bring about change. If it gets worse before it gets better, understand that these things must go through loss and gain, up and down, down and up again. Whereas a flat line symbolizes death.

Austin lost his life, and that’s always a tragedy, for no one knows what could have been. And you defended yours; Your life is still and always will be a gift. Live and love. Laugh when you can. Fight if you must. 

We will too. We love you.

Leah Harmony is a tv and music video producer who is currently working on several screen projects. She is a journalist and Production Manager for The San Francisco Bay View. She can be reached at: leah@sfbayview.com

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by Leah Harmony

Let me show you how the game is rigged. A few years ago, I discovered a popular brand of ginger ale was being sold without actually having ginger in it. That may not sound like much, but their promotion was entirely built on being made with real ginger. For me, it was one of those crack-in-the matrix moments. The ad featured a healthy young mother preparing a picnic in an abundant field of ginger. The words: made with real ginger were splashed on the screen and instantly the subconscious mind connects the sugar-filled, artificially flavored ginger ale with nature and care. Tricky. Later, after a lab discovery brought a class action suit, the brand quietly settled out of court. This is usually done to avoid media attention and having to admit wrongdoing. They simply reached into their allocated legal fund and paid $11 million in damages. The people rejoiced. 

What they didn’t realize was that $11 million was built into the brand’s marketing budget and already charged to the game. The brand knew out of the gate that the lie would make them more money than the truth would cost them. The two attorneys from Harvard and Yale who brought the case to the judge took home $2.1 million. The people who were deceived cashed out at 50 cents each. Today, the brand does well enough to pay $848 million a year in dividends to its largest shareholder and they reported their latest annual revenue as $48 billion. 

American politics is like that ginger lawsuit.

Ready players

It’s Primary season in politics, which means it’s time to wrangle the Black vote. Voter suppression and redistricting dominate the headlines. Suddenly, we’re inundated with headlines about Republicans scrambling to redistrict the Black coalition right off the map, starting with Louisiana and Tennessee and moving North from there. Though representatives put out a statement saying any seats gained could be filled with Black Republican lawmakers, the left isn’t buying it. Gov. Gavin Newsom says we’re living through “Jim Crow 2.0.” 

Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez led a rally from behind a bulletproof stage pod, where from a bullhorn she told us we are under attack and we need to “pull up” on the Southern states. Over and over we hear the Voting Rights Act is being gutted by a Supreme Court intent on ushering in a new era of “American apartheid.” The redistricting in Tennessee is being called a “declaration of war.” The NAACP has even called for all Black college athletes to boycott college sports in response to the new maps. 

It’s right on time, and it’s all very on-brand. Care and concern for Black folks is what they’re selling. 

Same game

Beyond the headlines and rhetoric, many Black Americans are wondering: What has electoral representation changed in our daily lives? Republicans are doing exactly what they said they’d do. We’re witnessing the crescendo of a grand campaign. Of course the Republican Party in the South, under Donald Trump, is dangerous. Southern Republican lawmakers have always used redistricting to lessen Black voting power. Especially in states where Black district voting could threaten embedded, old money power like in Louisiana. 

Season after season, the seats revolve, colors change, the public in-fighting persists, all funded by our tax dollars or donations that would rather be a great help to our communities. If we base the progress of our representation on our real-life statistics, we’d have to be honest and admit we, the Black people, are perpetually losing. Our representatives seem to want us content to just exist in a country most of us can’t afford to enjoy or even have a roof over our head in. 

For the past 20 years Black Americans have experienced poverty at rates roughly double those of white Americans. Currently 18% of Black people are at or below the poverty line where white people are holding steady at 7%. The Black homeownership rate stands at roughly 43.6% to 44.7% nationally, leaving a significant gap between Black and white homeownership rate, which is holding steady at 72% to 74%. The Black homeownership rate in California sits at approximately 36.5%, representing the lowest rate among all major ethnic groups in the state. 

I’m constantly wondering where all this equity is that everyone’s talking about. I cannot recall a single candidate or widely accessible policy in my voting timeline that tackled the reality of historical mortgage denials, neighborhood devaluations, gentrification or generational wealth barriers. This is with the exception of the Black Homeownership Initiative through CalHFA that provided educational materials and a referral to the Dream For All down payment assistance program. The successful program provided loan assistance in the following percentages: White 34%, Hispanic 34%, Asian 18%, Black 4%. When held against the stated goal, or against current voter awareness campaigns, those numbers don’t reflect initiative, by traditional or governmental definition. Yet, everyone I know has an ID and can vote but not a single friend in my circle owns their own home. That’s a mislabeled initiative if I ever saw one. Big Ginger ale would be proud. 

Seeing the play 

This is not an argument against voting rights protections. It is an argument that the public care and concern may actually just be electoral symbolism for your vote, and not tangible progress. The right to vote matters. It always has. But personally, I’m not comfortable pretending like it’s doing so is what frees us from our state of being. A ballot has yet to produce housing. A district map does not create generational wealth, stability or longevity. Representation has never stopped the gentrification of our stomping grounds. 

The Civil Rights Act was fought so Black Americans could finally access the protections other citizens had enjoyed since the country’s inception. It’s sold as a set of laws aimed to repair historical harms. When we bought it, they didn’t explain that race-based legislation is unconstitutional, making targeted repair near impossible. Broken down further, that means harms caused by racism cannot be repaired if the remedy targets the race that was harmed. Or further: race-based harms cannot be remedied through race-based remedies. Tricky, tricky. 

The act might as well be labeled: “made with real civil rights.”

Flipping the board 

More and more, there seems to be an overlay of clarity on political antics. I’m not sure if it’s the young Black youth fearlessly yelling to Mayor Mamdani on crowded NYC streets about those tangibles we’ve been asking for, with their won’t back down chants of “I thought I told you that we won’t vote; I thought I told you that we won’t vote!” or if it’s that more people are speaking out from the trenches, that neither party seems to care at all where Black people rest their heads at night until someone starts drawing on the maps that threaten their seats. 

These moments of understanding come in waves, then there’s a tidal wave, revealing chaos as king. Right behind the wars, aliens and pedophile politicians, there’s a gut punch of trauma pulling us into old battles already fought and won. 

I’ve come to realize chaos isn’t a state of being, it’s a place called America. America, the beautiful, where the people are strong and what’s on the screen is not always what it appears to be. 

I agree with the words of NOLA’s citizen activist, Marshan Camese, that the MAGA party is the last breath of the confederacy and the children they created are not on board with their racist politics. But none of that means we have to pretend that while Democrats held the seats they’ve lost, they even came close to solving that which continues to ail Black America. 

So here we are, and how do we change our world from behind this muddy windshield? Voting is a gift inherited from ancestors who cherished it. That gift has transmuted and is now a larger lesson. To ignore it would be to our detriment. 

The lesson is that voting alone can’t carry the entire weight of a thing so important as liberation. There are elected officials, organizers and legal advocates in Southern states, and the North, who are doing real work to stop racial vote dilution, often at personal and political cost. Their efforts deserve recognition. We should absolutely resist the erasure of Black political power from the map. 

But it’s high time we stop seeing symbolism during election season as commitment to our communities when it has yet to be proven as such. Victories that benefit the parties instead of the people are not wins. They are confirmations. We know that politicians can mobilize overnight to save districts, redraw maps, fund legal battles and protect seats. We understand the same urgency could be applied to housing, wealth opportunities, failing schools, environmental hazards, poisonous food systems, and the criminal justice pipeline that keeps swallowing our future leaders.

The system has proven it can move. We must watch when and for whom it chooses to, and our energies should be distributed as such. 

I say vote when it protects your interests. Challenge every power when that exploits our trauma and loyalty. Lift leaders that show up when it’s raining, not just when the sun shines on election season. Build within our own communities regardless of who wins. Draw our own maps. Redistrict within.

We must remember things are not always what they’re sold as. Not in America. Not in politics. And, not in soft drinks.

Leah Harmony is a producer and journalist. she manages production at the SF Bayview and can be reached at leah@sfbayview.com.

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by Robert Roth, Haiti Action Committee

As the world reels from the devastating U.S.-Israel war on Iran and Lebanon, and as the U.S.-backed Israeli genocide rages on in Gaza and the West Bank, the Trump Administration’s plan to assert its dominance over the Americas is also moving forward at an unprecedented pace. Having kidnapped Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro and his wife and colleague, Cilia Flores, and taken control over Venezuela’s oil reserves, the U.S. is now salivating over the prospect of toppling the socialist government of Cuba.  On March 16, Trump announced that he “could take Cuba whenever I want” and that Cuban President Miguel Diaz-Canel “would have to go” if Cuba wanted to negotiate its survival with the U.S. administration. 

It could not be clearer. Old-fashioned U.S. imperialism, with no cover, is back in force. And it isn’t just words: the U.S. has ratcheted up its blockade of Cuban ports, strangling the island nation by attempting to eliminate its fuel supply. Over 15,000 U.S. troops are now stationed throughout the Caribbean, with a concentration in Puerto Rico. The infamous Roosevelt Roads Naval Base has been reactivated, threatening any Caribbean or Latin American nation that dares to defy the U.S. 

As of March, the long-standing supply of Venezuelan oil to the Cuban government has ceased. Even Cuba’s vaunted medical support for countries in the Americas has come under withering attack. One example: the government of Jamaica has canceled its decades-long medical collaboration with Cuba, despite that collaboration having saved countless Jamaican lives.

None of this is a slam-dunk for the U.S. Despite proclamations of victory in the Iran war, it is clear that the U.S. and Israel are facing unforeseen consequences, and were unprepared for the level of Iranian self-defense, which has rattled the world economy and sent shock waves throughout West Asia.  And let’s not forget that the U.S. has been attempting to destroy Cuba ever since the Cuban Revolution in 1959, without success. But as history has shown, an empire in crisis can and will unleash terror around the world.  

The crisis in Haiti

For Haitians, this is an all-too-familiar scenario. The kidnapping of President Maduro and his wife followed the script of the 2004 U.S.-orchestrated coup against the democratically elected progressive government of President Jean-Bertrand Aristide. On Feb. 29, 2004, U.S. Marines kidnapped President Aristide and his wife and colleague, Mildred Aristide, and deposited them at a French military base in the Central African Republic, leading eventually to a seven-year forced exile in South Africa. 

In the aftermath of the coup, thousands of Haitians were killed, raped, or terrorized into exile. Reinforced by a violent UN military occupation, the coup brought in a series of corrupt, drug trafficking right-wing governments eager to sell the country’s land and resources to multinational corporations. These U.S.-imposed governments, and the tiny Haitian elite they serve, were responsible for empowering paramilitary death squads, called “gangs” in the U.S. media, to wipe out opposition and protect their assets, plunging Haiti into an ever-deepening crisis.

Haitian civilians: Caught between a rock and a hard place

In the last year alone, approximately 8,100 people have been killed in Haiti – primarily by paramilitary violence. Armed groups operate with near-total impunity, wreaking havoc on civil society. For example, in late March, the “Gran Griff” death squad, part of the Viv Ansamn paramilitary federation, massacred over 80 people in the Artibonite region, which has long been Haiti’s agricultural center. 

Roads throughout the country remain blocked, people cannot access markets, and close to 1.4 million people (out of a population of 12 million) have become internal refugees. Hospitals have been forced to close after being targeted by paramilitaries. A cholera epidemic hit in 2025. Sexual violence against women and children has become the norm. According to United Nations statistics, some 5.7 million Haitians are facing what is euphemistically called “high levels of acute food insecurity,” including more than 1.2 million children under age 5. This is why Fanmi Lavalas, the people’s party founded by former President Aristide, has labeled this a “slow-motion genocide.”

In the name of fighting the paramilitaries, the current Haitian government recently signed a 10-year multi-million dollar contract with Erik Prince’s infamous mercenary group, Vectus Global. Formerly known as Blackwater, it was responsible for the Nisour Square Massacre in 2007 during the Iraq War, in which 17 Iraqi civilians, including a 9-year-old boy, were killed and over 20 others were injured. True to form, Vectus Global is now carrying out “anti-gang operations” with Haitian police that have resulted in the killing of over 1,100 people, many of them civilians, in densely populated sections of the capital, ​Port-au-Prince.  Haiti’s government has also signed an $85.4 million contract with foreign private for-profit prison firms to build three new prisons, an ominous sign of even more repression to follow, in a country that needs money for health care and education, not more prisons.  

So now, Haitians stand between a rock and a hard place: On the one hand, emboldened and well-connected paramilitary death squads determined to have their share of power, and on the other, a government dominated by the business elite that is ratcheting up its repressive apparatus and using its police powers and foreign mercenaries to wreak havoc on civilians.

As of Feb. 7, 2026, a temporary presidential council has been dissolved, leaving only a U.S.-backed prime minister, Alix Didier Fils-Aime, in charge of the nation. When widespread opposition to Fils-Aime surfaced within Haiti, Secretary of State Marco Rubio warned Haitians that there would be “grave consequences” if Fils-Aime were removed from power. With a U.S. warship off the coast of Haiti and a U.N.- organized multinational force of 5,500 troops gearing up to deepen the occupation of Haiti and oversee new elections, we can expect a fraudulent selection aimed at installing a more permanent regime beholden once again to the United States. This fits snugly into the Trump Administration’s strategy to dominate all of Latin America and the Caribbean, and is a stark reminder of what is at stake throughout the Americas as the U.S. asserts its hegemony.

Envisioning a new Haiti

Haitians have always resisted tyranny, from the time they overthrew slavery, defeated Napoleon’s army, and declared the world’s first Black republic in 1804. Today, communities have risen to defend themselves from paramilitary attacks, despite the high-powered weapons in the hands of the death squads. Women’s groups have mobilized to provide support for the survivors of gang rapes. The University of the Dr. Aristide Foundation (UNIFA), taken over by the U.S. military after the 2004 coup and reopened when the Aristides returned to Haiti in 2011, continues to graduate doctors, nurses, lawyers, agronomists, dentists, engineers, and physical therapists amid daunting challenges. 

UNIFA has now opened a teaching hospital at a time when many hospitals in Haiti have been shuttered due to death squad violence. Throughout the country, activists are operating at the local level, building capacity and resistance. A new Haiti can be envisioned through the prism of these grassroots efforts.

Defend Haitian refugees

Haitians living within US borders are also in the crosshairs. Throughout their 2024 election campaign, Trump and Vance demonized Haitians, going so far as to falsely accuse Haitians in Springfield, Ohio, of eating their neighbors’ pets. This outrageous, racist lie fueled anti-Haitian attacks throughout Ohio. Shortly after Trump’s 2025 inauguration, the Department of Homeland Security attempted to end Temporary Protective Status (TPS) for over 350,000 Haitians now in the United States.  This, despite the State Department issuing travel warnings telling Americans not to travel to Haiti due to dangerous conditions there. 

On March 6, 2026, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Ccuit upheld a ruling that the termination of TPS for Haiti was unlawful and based on “racial animus.” This ruling allows beneficiaries to maintain their status and keep their work permits for the moment. But the Trump Administration has already filed an emergency appeal to the Supreme Court, which has ruled against migrants over and over again. In response, supporters of Haitian migrants in Congress have put forward an initiative aimed at extending TPS for Haitians for another three years.

This is a moment when activism in support of Haitian migrants and the grassroots movement in Haiti is critical. We hope you will join us in this fight.

From Haiti to Venezuela to Cuba and Puerto Rico: One struggle, one fight

For more information, please check out Haiti Action Committee’s website: www.haitisolidarity.net and our Facebook page.

To contact us, please email us: action.haiti@gmail.com

To support grassroots projects in Haiti, please donate to the Haiti Emergency Relief Fund: www.haitiemergencyrelief.org

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Statement from National Bar Association President Ashley Upkins on the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision in Louisiana V. Callais

The National Bar Association expresses outrage regarding the April 29 United States Supreme Court decision in Louisiana v. Callais, a ruling that significantly narrows protections long relied upon to challenge racial vote dilution under Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act. Read the full Supreme Court opinion here.

For generations, Section 2 has served as one of the nation’s most important legal safeguards against schemes designed to weaken the voting strength of Black communities and other historically marginalized voters. It has been a critical tool in ensuring that representation in our democracy reflects fairness rather than manipulation.

The April 29 ruling raises the bar for proving discrimination, diminishes the weight of historical realities, and makes it more difficult to challenge district maps that dilute minority voting power. In practical terms, this decision threatens to reduce opportunities for Black voters to elect candidates of their choice and further erodes federal protections that have already been weakened over the last decade.

Let me be clear: this moment is bigger than Louisiana. This is a civil rights inflection point.

This decision has implications for communities across the country, particularly in states where demographic growth has outpaced political representation and where district lines have too often been used as barriers instead of bridges.

The National Bar Association was founded in 1925 because Black lawyers were excluded from institutions that claimed to represent justice. This decision reminds us that rights once won are never permanently secured. Every generation must defend democracy anew.

That responsibility now calls on us again.

Our call to action

We urge our members, chapters, affiliates, judges, law students and community partners to mobilize immediately in the following ways:

1. Litigation readiness

Support and engage in strategic litigation efforts to challenge discriminatory practices wherever lawful avenues remain.

2. Legislative advocacy

Push for federal voting rights legislation that restores and strengthens protections gutted by recent court decisions.

3. Voter education and protection

Expand voter education, election protection and turnout efforts in every jurisdiction, especially in underserved communities.

4. Local power building

Remember that prosecutors, judges, school boards, sheriffs, mayors and state legislators shape daily life. Local elections matter deeply.

5. Membership mobilization

Every National Bar Association chapter should convene immediate discussions on the impact of this decision and develop local action plans.

Our commitment

The courts may narrow pathways, but they cannot silence a people determined to be heard. We have faced literacy tests, poll taxes, intimidation, exclusion and obstruction. We have answered every challenge with courage and collective action. We will do so again.

The National Bar Association remains steadfast in its mission to protect civil rights, defend democracy and ensure that equal justice is a lived reality for all. I will see you at the annual convention. Bring your boots, there is much work to be done.

Ashley L. Upkins is the 83rd president of the National Bar Association and the first woman from Tennessee to hold this historic role. Recognized as a powerful voice for justice, equity and leadership, she is an award-winning attorney and advocate who inspires with her vision, faith and commitment to lifting the next generation of change-makers. She can be reached via info@nationalbar.org. 

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by Mark P. Fancher 

The conditions are ripe for growing Black political consciousness, but revolutionary movements must broaden their reach to all sectors and classes of the people.

As the world has grown weary of the morally bankrupt and criminally insane shenanigans of the Trump administration, Democratic Party leaders have struggled to contain their glee. They smell blood in the water, and they lick their chops in anticipation of a proverbial “blue wave” of victories in the upcoming mid-term elections.

While the Democrats have felt a sense of euphoria as they have watched millions of people pour into the streets during “No Kings” protests, Party leaders most certainly have been alarmed by the overwhelming whiteness of the crowds. During elections, their campaign playbook demands the mass mobilization of voters of the African persuasion, and the absence of this demographic from public demonstrations against Trump is a red flag.

When there are concerns about Black voter turnout, in my imagination, the Democrats’ playbook says: 

“Mobilize the Head Negroes in Charge. These include the Party sycophants, preachers who are parasites on the federal treasury, clueless podcasters and celebrities, and any others fitting the negroid profile who have the ear of their community. Next, direct these influencers to sound the alarm of an impending crisis in a way that will frighten Black people into running to the polls, where they will then cast their ballots for our beloved Democratic Party.”  

U.S. Rep. James Clyburn of South Carolina has spent years studying the playbook, and he likely can recite its text verbatim. On cue and consistent with the book’s directive, he recently sounded the alarm when he said there should be less focus on the 2028 Presidential elections and more concern about Trump’s threat to voting rights during the midterm elections. “I’ve been saying to everybody, and I hope they take heed — 2028 is a very shiny object, 2026 is a necessary process. If we fail to conduct ourselves properly in these off-year elections, there ain’t gonna be a 2028 election,” Clyburn said.

Notwithstanding the dire warnings of an existential threat to democracy, the Democratic Party may find that increasingly, the Black community’s Pavlovian impulses have diminished and they are far less responsive to political alarm bells. A 2024 Pew Research Center study showed that “many Black Americans believe the racial bias in U.S. institutions is not merely a matter of passive negligence; it is the result of intentional design. Specifically, large majorities describe the prison (74%), political (67%) and economic (65%) systems in the U.S., among others, as having been designed to hold Black people back, either a great deal or a fair amount.”

These findings reflect an inevitable rise in consciousness that is the product of observation and lived experience over the course of decades. Having watched the machinations of both the Democratic and Republican Parties, the collective African mind has, in its brilliance, recognized that the political and other systems have “been designed to hold Black people back.” One consequence is that the people have withdrawn. Black people’s attempts to stop Trump in 2024 were a last-ditch effort to avoid the chaos we have experienced since Trump’s election, but their failure in the face of a tsunami of Make America White Again sentiments have led to a quiet abandonment of conventional political engagement.

These developments are of course disastrous for the Democratic Party. But given the dialectical relationship between the Democratic Party and the African World, what’s bad for the Democratic Party is good for Black people. A mass recognition of the antagonistic role of the political process represents a significant step forward for the Black community. It means they have been able to see through the symbolism of an Obama presidency and other propaganda, and to identify the system as hostile to their interests. 

But this development also means that the people have reached a crossroads where their selection of the wrong path can spell catastrophe. The hope is that they will choose to deepen their analysis and embark on a revolutionary course. But it is possible that in their efforts to rebuke the Democratic Party they will embrace destructive movements like Foundational Black Americans, or even worse, MAGA. They might also simply retreat into passive apathy with hopes that white folks’ ignorance and hatred will cause them to self-destruct.

There are conditions and circumstances that prompt an almost instinctive and intuitive revolutionary analysis. But such do not exist in the U.S. This country’s history is too complicated and the psyops that have been carefully designed to ensure mass ignorance and confusion have been too effective to presume that on their own, everyday people will gain an understanding of not only how capitalism uses white supremacy to oppress, but also why and how the system can be defeated. Consequently, there is the danger that even as Black people come to regard the political process as a dead end, that they will also become demoralized by the absence of a plan and vision for a liberating alternative.

Political education has long been a central programmatic feature of organizations on the Black Left. James Forman, an organizer with the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), explained that the organization’s participation in a Voter Education Project in the early 1960s was actually a disguised strategy to raise the level of revolutionary consciousness of the people – not for purposes of increasing their participation in the electoral process, but to inspire them to destroy it. Forman explained:

“SNCC’s goal was to lay bare the injustices perpetrated upon Black people – among them denial of the vote – in the hope that this would lead to greater mass action. In other words, we were interested in trying to register voters so as to expose the dirt of the United States and thus alienate Black people from the whole system. And the United States, through the Kennedy administration, was interested in trying to register voters for the sake of the Democratic Party. By cooperating with the Voter Education Project, sponsored by the Southern Regional Council with the federal government’s blessing, we saw a way to finance what we wanted to do. We would be walking a thin line of contradiction in the American system, but we felt able to do it.”

If the Pew study is correct, the challenge is no longer how to alienate the people from the system, but instead how to help them to understand the true causes of the alienation they already feel. It is also necessary to provide them with a revolutionary vision that makes sense. Unfortunately, too many of us have strayed from the organizing approach pursued by SNCC and many other revolutionaries around the world. Instead of finding ways to live and work with the people, too many create avant garde political organizations that spout esoteric jargon and host poorly-attended teach-ins where they tell themselves that the politically unenlightened not in attendance have missed out on the privilege of learning the correct political line.

There aren’t many everyday people who respond well to strangers who use strange language to communicate strange concepts and who invite them to meetings and programs about topics they know nothing about. They listen to people who they know and trust. SNCC understood this, and in the rural South their organizers sometimes traded in designer clothes for denim overalls, slept without complaint on the floors of small ramshackle homes and routinely shared meals of pinto beans and cornbread with families. Consider Kwame Ture’s comments from his book, “Ready for Revolution,” about his experience in Mississippi with his host family:

“I became close to the Johnson family, the parents, the grandmother, and the children. In fact, I felt like a family member, and all the Johnsons became stalwarts of the movement in Greenwood. Over the next four years, Mrs. Johnson would take care of a great many SNCC people coming through Greenwood. She always called me her son.”

As for the Johnson family, one of the children commented:

“But in spite of what his vocal was in terms of this and that in public, there was a certain way that [Ture] carried himself amongst the people. Stokely had a mild demeanor that he could sit down and be very patient, calm and talk through with ministers and what have you. But he wouldn’t accept to be disrespected, and then he didn’t allow you to disrespect local folk. He didn’t allow that. No, he didn’t … He was very much for the people … always.”

In 2026 it may not be useful for everyone to take up residence with Southern sharecroppers, but if there is a genuine interest in providing people with a revolutionary political analysis, it still makes good sense to meet the people where they are and to become one with them. For the most part, people are not searching for revolutionary organizations to join. They are engaged in the work of traditional civil rights organizations, churches, Greek letter organizations, lodges, unions, neighborhood associations and social clubs. 

The suggestion that revolutionaries join and work with these groups is sometimes met with a sneer by those who feel it is unthinkable that politically pure individuals will dare to lower themselves by mingling with bourgeois reformists. But such snobbery kills opportunities to explain to sororities that donate to charities in Africa that imperialism is why the continent is so poor in the first place. If the revolutionary doesn’t go to church, there won’t be an opportunity to explain to churchgoers that Jesus himself was an anti-imperialist whose insistence on equitable distribution of community resources inspired his followers to establish what was in effect a small socialist government. If the revolutionary doesn’t join the neighborhood watch program, there won’t be a chance to challenge the other members to consider that the street crime they hope to prevent is a byproduct of a capitalist system that causes desperation among those who endure extreme economic distress and emotional instability.

Political education is most effective when it is organic, and the fact that certain organizations don’t currently have a revolutionary program doesn’t mean that they don’t have revolutionary potential. During the early 1960s, Robert F. Williams, who was a militant internationalist, gave the NAACP a whole new look in his hometown of Monroe, North Carolina, when he revived the local chapter. In his book, “Negroes with Guns,” he explained: 

“So one day I walked into a Negro poolroom in our town, interrupted a game by putting NAACP literature on the table and made a pitch. I recruited half of those present. This got our chapter off to a new start. We began a recruiting drive among laborers, farmers, domestic workers, the unemployed and any and all Negro people in the area. We ended up with a chapter that was unique in the whole NAACP because of working class composition and a leadership that was not middle class. Most important, we had a strong representation of returned veterans who were very militant and who didn’t scare easy.”

The conditions are ripe for explosive growth of the political consciousness of the Africans in this country. But if we decline to meet the people where they are because of fears of being identified as bourgeois reformists, then we risk missing an opportunity that may not become available again for quite some time.

Mark P. Fancher is an attorney and writer. He can be contacted at mfancher@comcast.net. This story first appeared in Black Agenda Report.

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Our co-op investigation has opened into a larger story about federal oversight, underused housing tools and why a city in crisis is still failing to house our people.

by Tabari Morris

Before the bulldozers came, the Fillmore was alive. Duke Ellington played there. Billie Holiday sang there. On any given night, you could walk down Fillmore Street and hear five different stars at five different clubs. Black people owned those blocks. They had built something.

Then the city called it blight.

What followed was one of the most extreme cases of government-mandated displacement in urban America. Blocks of the Fillmore were bulldozed. They tried to rename it the Western Addition to make people forget. People were relocated. Business establishments that formed the backbone of Black life were obliterated overnight. Photos and some people have survived — a bird’s-eye view of the cleared area, in the words of an eye-witness, looked like a war zone.

And out of the rubble came the promise of federal housing. Limited Equity Cooperatives. Policies that would ensure that Black families were not only able to rent their homes in the city but have some ownership interest as well. And Martin Luther King-Marcus Garvey Square (King-Garvey) represented one such promise. 

Decades later, the documentation shows an entirely different story. A REAC (HUD Real Estate Assessment Center that inspects and evaluates the financial and physical condition of HUD-assisted housing) rating of 37. An almost defaulted building. An amount in excess of $44 million spent over many years to save the building with the deteriorating conditions experienced by its residents Vouchers made available but never used. Oversight mechanisms in place that evaluated compliance but never provided safety or stability.

The people are still waiting. The question this series asks is simple: Who was this system actually built to serve?

The whole purpose of HUD was to serve poor people primarily. It did not turn out that way.

San Francisco’s current housing crisis did not start with today’s waitlists, inspections or voucher backlogs. For Black residents, it is part of a much older story: the destruction of the Fillmore, the promises of federally backed housing, the rise of limited-equity cooperatives, and the long experience of being told that relief is coming while displacement keeps moving forward.

When the Fillmore was Harlem of the West

The Fillmore became the center of culture and the economic heart of Black San Francisco in the 1940s and 1950s.This area of San Francisco was referred to as “Harlem of the West” due to its jazz bars, Black-owned businesses, Black churches, Black newspapers, and a strong social organization that led to a thriving Black community.

This quick expansion of the Black population was also due to the movement of Blacks during the World War II years in order to find work and other opportunities in San Francisco. The Black population peaked in San Francisco in 1970; and, at the same time, there were elements that would lead to the demise of the Black community.

Black people had the neighborhood that was the biggest tourist attraction in San Francisco — and the City destroyed that revenue source in order to get rid of Black people.

The redevelopment plan for San Francisco had identified the Western Addition area as blighted and conducted a large-scale demolition of the area under the name of “urban renewal.” This process has been widely acknowledged as Black removal, where houses, businesses and whole communities were torn apart, with the Black cultural capital being split up and made to look like progress..

The photographs from that era show so much destruction, the area really did look like a war zone. Thousands of families were dislocated, hundreds of Victorian homes torn down, and Black business strips destroyed by urban renewal policies.

HUD and a broken promise

When HUD was created in 1965, it carried hope for Black community. It was supposed to concentrate federal power on housing and urban problems and serve poor people in a way no other federal department had been built to do.

Ther history of federal housing has also full of contradictions. The same federal framework that expanded subsidies and public housing also inherited urban renewal machinery, and later generations of residents would watch HUD oversight, private development interests, and local housing politics collide in ways that did not protect the people that became the most at risk.

The whole purpose of HUD was to serve poor people primarily. HUD did not turn out to be poor people’s savior. It turned out to belong to the developers.

Out of the destruction came developments such as King-Garvey and other limited-equity cooperatives. They offered more than shelter. For many Black families, they represented a chance to get security in the City through shared ownership, community governance and the possibility of stability after urban renewal had already taken so much.

That is why deterioration at these properties cannot be treated as just a maintenance issue. When a co-op created as part of the response to Black displacement began to fail, the damage became historical as well as physical. The promise being weakened is not only about one building; it is about whether Black San Franciscans were ever truly allowed to hold on to the city they helped build.

Jobs, ownership and Section 3

Section 3 of the HUD Act of 1968 requires that, to the greatest extent feasible, HUD-funded projects direct training, employment and contracting opportunities to low-income people in the community.

This matters because housing was never supposed to be just a roof. The people living in subsidized housing were supposed to have a stake in repairing it, maintaining it and building economic stability through it. Housing, jobs and local control were supposed to reinforce each other.

Look up the jobs, the homes, talk about being able to own your own place with your neighbors.

A city still shrinking Black belonging

Black numbers peaked at 13.4 percent in the city of San Francisco in the census of 1970 and dropped to 5.4 percent in 2020. The drop in the number is not only due to market forces. It reflects a more extensive pattern of policies and practices that have increasingly constrained Black inclusion within the city.

When tenants talk about problems in today’s housing market such as delayed vouchers, rising prices, pending maintenance, proposed construction projects, or technologies that threaten their housing, they do not describe distinct events. Instead, they tell yet another episode in the same story.

SF Bay View Managing Editor Tabari Morris can be reached at tabari@sfbayview.com. 

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by JR Valrey, The People’s Minister of Information

The glamor of the 1920s and 1930s is being brought back for a night with Juju’s Burlesque Show, which is happening on Wednesday, June 10th, at 7:30 p.m. at Yoshi’s in Oakland’s Jack London Square. The night will be filled with traditional jazz, beautiful women dancing in a musical – mystique, seduction, beauty and sensuality. Burlesque shows have a long history in the United States, so i wanted Juju aka Jujuana Williams, to teach our readers about a forgotten part of Black history in the United States. 

JR Valrey: What is a burlesque show? And what is its history? 

Jujuana Williams: Burlesque, at its core, is the art of seduction, storytelling, confidence and performance. A lot of people reduce it to just taking clothes off, but true burlesque is much deeper than that. It’s theater. It’s dance. It’s glamour. It’s comedy, sensuality, character work, music, fashion, and personal expression all living in the same space.

Historically, burlesque has roots that go back to the 1800s, where it began as theatrical satire and entertainment. Over time, especially in the early 20th century, it evolved into the glamorous cabaret and striptease culture many people recognize today. Legendary Black performers also helped shape burlesque history, even though they were often overlooked in mainstream narratives. 

What I love about modern burlesque is that it allows women to reclaim sensuality and performance on their own terms. In Juju’s Burlesque, we blend classic burlesque inspiration with live performance, soul, theater, dance, fashion and storytelling. It’s sexy and seductive, yes, but it’s also empowering, artistic, intentional and deeply human.

My goal is to create a world where people feel transported – where confidence, vulnerability, beauty and expression can all exist together.”

JR Valrey: When and how did you become interested in burlesque shows? 

Jujuana Williams: Before I even knew what burlesque was, I was already drawn to it. I loved artists like Madonna, Vanity 6, Tina Turner and Diana Ross — women who embodied glamour, sparkle, confidence and a kind of bold femininity that felt like the opposite of how I was raised, where things were more strict and about being covered and appropriate. I would imitate them whenever I could. 

I’ve always been drawn to the art of seduction meeting sophistication in dance. Burlesque and tease performance felt like a natural fit for me because it’s mysterious, expressive and entertaining all at once. What really pulled me in is that it allows women to fully express themselves and their bodies in a way that feels intentional and empowering. I also love that burlesque doesn’t have to rely on full reveal. I actually think there’s something even more powerful and sexy about keeping the audience guessing. For me, it’s about creating a space where women feel safe, confident and free in their expression while still keeping the artistry and imagination alive.

JR Valrey: When did you decide that you were going to start organizing your own burlesque shows? 

Jujuana Williams: Three years ago, I decided it was time to stop sitting on my skills as an artistic director and playwright. I wrote this show, pitched it to the legendary Yoshi’s, and one sold-out show later, here we are. 

JR Valrey: How do you pick the women who are in your shows? What kind of criteria do you have for them? 

Jujuana Williams: Honestly, in many ways, they picked me. I’m a Pisces woman in every sense – very intuitive, very empathic – so energy matters a lot to me. I did hold auditions, and of course, skill is important. Talent absolutely matters. But the women who ultimately made the cut had more than technical ability; they had presence, openness and the right spirit. 

In my world of theater and performance, synergy is everything. I want to genuinely enjoy working with the people around me. I’m not willing to compromise the energy of the room just because someone is highly skilled but brings a negative disposition. So the criteria really come down to this: be yourself, work hard to become your best, and lean into the family we’re creating through this show. Iron sharpens iron, and the rest falls into place.

JR Valrey: What do you want the crowd to get out of your shows? 

Jujuana Williams: First, Juju’s Burlesque is my rendition of a burlesque show. It’s intentionally an all-Black cast because representation matters to me, and I wanted to create a space where Black performers could be centered in glamour, sensuality, artistry and storytelling. What I want the audience to walk away with is both entertainment and experience. I want them to feel transported. I want them to laugh, feel sexy, feel inspired, and also leave having witnessed the depth of talent that exists in our community. 

A big part of this show is also my contribution to revitalizing Oakland’s arts and culture scene. Oakland is full of incredible creatives, but I wanted to help create more spaces where live performance feels elevated, immersive and memorable. I created the kind of show I personally wanted to see — something with glitz, glamour, talent, spectacle and an actual storyline woven throughout the experience. To me, the show is more than entertainment. It’s community, representation, theater, music, dance, beauty and Black artistry all sharing the same stage.

JR Valrey: What kind of music is played at burlesque shows? How would you describe the ambiance and soundscape of the shows? 

Jujuana Williams: Modern burlesque allows for almost any type of music really. Traditionally, people think of jazz, blues and big band sounds, but today it can be very open creatively. For Juju’s Burlesque, you’ll hear everything from jazz and blues to big band tunes. My show is structured like a musical, so the music and artists are intentionally chosen based on the storyline and emotional moments throughout the show.

JR Valrey: How can people buy tickets? 

Jujuana Williams: Tickets are on sale at yoshis.com.

SF Bay View Editor-in-Chief JR Valrey is a veteran journalist who can be heard weekly on Wednesdays on 89.5FM KPOO or KPOO.com from noon to 3 p.m. His work can also be heard on www.blockreportradioworld.com.

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by Uhuru Rowe

Usually, when people talk about the carceral system, they look to “experts” with degrees — professors, criminologists and policy analysts who often view prisons through the lens of data and text. But there is a massive difference between studying prisons and living inside one.

If you want to know what a prison is, don’t ask an academic who has spent years studying and teaching about prisons inside of the comfort of a classroom or a study hall. Ask the person who watched their youth wither away behind a steel door or the person who survived the carceral state’s attempt to completely erase their humanity.

I spent almost my entire life in prison and some of those years were spent in solitary confinement. You cannot and will not find a peer-reviewed study that captures the psychological damage that I experienced from being trapped inside a tiny concrete cell for 23 hours a day. On more than one occasion, I came close to hanging myself from the sprinkler inside my cell in order to escape that hell. The “experts” talk about topics like the history of prisons and their behavior modification programs, but those of us who have lived that reality know the truth: It is state-sanctioned torture designed to break the human spirit so thoroughly that there is nothing left to resist.

I survived 31 years of systemic abuse and brutality that the general public chooses to ignore. I have seen people on the inside drop dead from medical neglect. I have seen prison guards plant drugs in cells and beat people while they were handcuffed and defenseless. I, too, was beaten while I was handcuffed. I have seen stiff, dead bodies being dragged out of cells at 3 a.m. because of a drug overdose. I have seen young men fresh into the prison system get raped by predators who had already been in prison for 30 and 40 years. I have seen childhood friends get beaten and stabbed to death over petty and minor conflicts. I have seen prison officials intentionally place rival gang members into the same cell and dorm together so that the ensuing violence can be used as a justification for locking down the prison and taking away “privileges.” I have seen prison officials retaliate against people for simply speaking up and speaking out about these issues. My eyes have seen so many other horrors.

On the Left, we know that the carceral state is not broken. It is working exactly as designed and as intended. It is a tool of class warfare and social/racial control and dominance. But even within the abolitionist movement and within the Left in general, there is a tendency to speak for us rather to us. Real expertise on prisons isn’t found and will never be found in a thesis, academic text or an academic lecture — unless it is authored by a person directly impacted by the PIC. It is etched into the scars on our backs and the grief we carry for those who may never make it out.

If we are real about dismantling this thing we call the prison industrial complex, we must stop pretending that objective observation about the PIC is superior to lived experience. The only people who understand the true nature of prisons are those who have been chewed up by them and had the audacity to survive. I say all that to say, the revolution will not be led by those who study the fire; it will be led by those who walked through it.

All Power to the People who don’t fear freedom! After nearly 31 consecutive years in prison, Uhuru Rowe was finally released last year. A couple of weeks later, he wrote the Bay View, remembering how he “met” us: “I received my first issue I believe in 2012 and it was the first radical political newspaper I ever received and read. Thus, I was politicized from the stories and writings I read and analyzed in its pages. The Bay View also helped to raise awareness about my freedom campaign by publishing an article I wrote seeking help and support. So basically, the Bay View played a role in me being granted a pardon in 2022 and then me walking out of prison on October 18, 2025.” Now that Uhuru is finally free, connect with him on Patreon, at https://www.patreon.com/c/ConsciousPrisoner/home or email him at uhururowe76@gmail.com. 

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by JR Valrey, The People’s Minister of Information

One of Oakland’s most celebrated and well attended summer festivals is back: Oakland Carnival is on Saturday, June 6, at Mosswood Park. 

For natives, residents and newcomers, Carnival is a time to celebrate our greater Pan African culture, as well as our individual national identities through elegantly made flamboyant colored costumes, delicious food, thumping bass, with elaborate dances, among many more attractions.

I got a chance to catch up with the legendary King Theo Aytchan Williams, the director of Carnival Operations, to spread the word about the event and also to teach a little bit of history about this unique holiday born in the Americas. 

MOI JR Valrey: What is the history behind Carnival? And where and how is it celebrated?

King Theo Aytchan Williams: Carnival is an expression of JOY and Resistance. It is very revolutionary at its core. It’s a misnomer that Carnival started in Europe. Like many traditions – especially those preserved by Black folks – once we dig deeper we can trace the origins back to Africa. In this case, the concept of Carnival originated in Kemet – what the Greeks referred to as Egypt. It started as a harvest festival, which made its way into Europe and began to morph, evolve and take on other meanings, but the celebration withstood all the changes. 

Through the Trans Atlanta Slave trade, kidnapped enslaved Africans, under the religious domination of the Catholic church, incorporated disguised African traditions, rituals and gods into Catholic practices. In the Caribbean and South American territories where African people are and the Catholic church was forcefully expanding its control, enslaved Africans were awarded a day away from the toiling labor in the plantation fields.This gave birth to the celebratory religious holiday we call Carnival. With Brazil having the largest population of descendants of Africans outside of the African continent, it makes sense that Brazil also has the largest Carnival in the world. 

Salvador Bahia Brazil is the proud home of African Brazilian culture. Here in the States we have Mardi Gras, which also traces its cultural roots to connections with the Catholic Church, Easter, Good Friday. Lent and the celebrations of Fat Tuesday. Today Carnival is loved and celebrated throughout the world including North America, the Caribbean, Central and South America and even in Europe and Asia. 

MOI JR Valrey: How long have you been involved with Carnival? How did you become involved?

King Theo Aytchan Williams: I feel like I’ve been connected since birth but my formal involvement started in 1998 when I was first introduced to Carnival by a local Bay Area carnival group Fogo Na Roupa. My spiritual sister Regina Califa Calloway – the sister of Sway Calloway, who is also a big supporter of Carnival, invited me to participate. She was a co-director with the Founder Mestre Carlos Aceituno. Carlos was my teacher and friend. He was super creative and open to new ideas. If it was gonna help Fogo be better, he was down to listen. Two years later, when I relocated back to Oakland from Atlanta, I brought my Clark Atlanta HBCU experiences. Carlow allowed me to incorporate my energy into Fogo’s Carnival experience. I was jumping, hopping and stepping all through San Francisco Carnival. Clark Atlanta’s mascot is a Black Panther and I was the mascot, so entertaining large audiences came easy. The following year, I was encouraged to run for SF Carnival King. The competition was held at the Roccopulco club on Mission Street. That night was super crazy but I won. They crowned me King and I’ve been involved with some aspect of Carnival, whether in the Bay, Atlanta or Brazil, ever since. 

MOI JR Valrey: With San Francisco having such a big and legendary Carnival, why does Oakland need its own? 

King Theo Aytchan Williams: Interesting question, Oakland has its own voice and its own message. Oakland has a very unique and distinct history, flavor and swag: Swag is a word that was created in Oakland. I like to use the word create because that’s what we do in the Town. We have a way of creating and adding to the civic, social and political climate. We expand the culture. We do this differently. I like to say, why compete when you can create. For Oakland Carnival it represents that creative idea and creates space for Oaklanders to develop healthy Civic pride, especially the youth, plus Oaklad has impacted the Culture in so many ways with hella innovators and influencers in the Arts, music, dance, sports, education, politics and community building. For example, we call Oakland’s Carnival a Wellness Festival. For us, Wellness is a revolutionary act. We are reclaiming public space to advocate for Community Wellness, Wellness for Black People and supportive allies are welcome. We feel that having a good time is definitely necessary and important but our people need more than another party in the park. We have to offer more. So we curate a Carnival experience that builds the history and expands the scope and mission. 

MOI JR: What do the elaborate beautiful and colorful costumes that the dancers’ wear mean?

King Theo Aytchan Williams: 

Each Carnival band or samba school determines the theme each year. The theme, the music, dance, float design and costumes needed to support the vision of the Artistic Director. There all several types of costumes and multiple Carnival cultures and expressions, but when people usually think of Carnival they think of the elaborate feathered costumes. That’s what catches the eye.Those are traditionally used in the Caribbean, Trinidad & Tobago and Brasil, Rio de Janeiro. However, Carnival is celebrated in so many cities and towns across the Americas and the world. In the countrysides we see fewer elaborate Carnival displays but they are just as fun, and full of energetic passionate participants. I experienced a “wet Carnival” in Panama, where everyone is wet up with giant waterhoses. This didn’t stop the celebration, but it would have destroyed one of those big beautiful feathered costumes.

MOI JR: Has the City of Oakland aka local government been supportive of Carnival in Oakland over the years? 

King Theo Aytchan Williams: I have to say yes but not in the way you might think. We don’t receive any major financial support from the City, Mayor’s Office or Cultural Affairs Division. We’re charged for every city resource we use. However the Department of Parks and Recreation city staff has been very cooperative and supportive of Oakland Carnival. Some city staffers remember Carijama and honor that we are working to keep that tradition alive while others have no knowledge of the history but do their best to facilitate our requests for permits and inspection appointments. 

Working with the City of Oakland can be tricky, but the PRAC board, Mosswood Park Director Terri Westbrook, Zermain Thomas in Central Reservations and Fred, who manages Mosswood Park softball field, have been helpful over the years also District 3 City Council members have helped by supplying the trash dumpsters. We haven’t received any financial support from the City or Mayor’s Office since Mayor Libby Schaaf; she was a big supporter of Carnival. 

MOI JR: How can people sign up to participate? If it’s too late, where would they look next year?

King Theo Aytchan Williams: There’s still time to participate in Carnival. SambaFunk! Is a local cultural arts nonprofit located in the Malonga Casquelourd Center for the Arts in Oakland. We participate in SF and Oakland Carnivals and we are also the presenters of Oakland Carnival. If folks are interested in participating with SambaFunk! our main sections are closed, but we’re still accepting dancers for the Spirit sections and drummers in the bateria. But you have to come to rehearsals on Thursdays and Sunday afternoons. This year our theme is “Artists United – WE ARE ONE – Rise of the Sixth Element. It’s a collaboration with Estrellas do Samba. We will be introducing new music and a dance from Afro-Danca Pentecostal or Danca Afro P.

For Oakland Carnival we need volunteers and sponsors. We have great opportunities on our live stream by Epic Vision. With the federal government’s attack on culture, it caused traditional funders to shift their priorities, which leaves local artists scrambling for new funding sources. Without the support from the San Francisco Foundation, Eastbay Community Foundation, California Arts Council, Rainan Foundation, Akonadi Foundation, we would be stuck. Even with the funding, Oakland Carnival would be impossible without the dedication of the Oakland Planning Committee and community organizers. 

MOI JR: When and where is Carnival? How could people get more info to attend Oakland Carnival?

King Theo Aytchan Williams: CarnivalSF happens Memorial Day Weekend with the grand parade on Sunday, May 24, in the SF Mission, over 70 groups. Our group, SambaFunk! is #64 in the parade. Our 2026 theme is Artists United WE ARE ONE Rise of the Sixth Element, and we are collaborating with Estrellas do Samba.

Oakland Carnival is always the first Saturday in June; this year it’s June 6th at Mosswood Park. The park opens at noon with the Youth Zone hosted by Higher Ground. In 2026, we’re featuring all local talent on our Carijama Vibes stage and free dance classes, drum circles and health screenings in the Axe’ Wellness Dance & Drum pavilion. The African Marketplace and Taste of Carnival food vendors are set up next to the basketball courts. The parade starts around 2 p.m. and it’s been growing every year. We want the community to line up on MacArthur and witness the spectacle. For more information you can go to our website OaklandCarnival.net or our Instagram @oaklandcarnival, email us at oaklandcarnival@gmail.com or call us at the SambaFunk! office: 510-451-6100.

The post Oakland Carnival is Saturday, June 6, at Mosswood Park appeared first on San Francisco Bay View.

 by JR Valrey, The People’s Minister of Information

Food shortages, blackouts, no petrol throughout the whole island are all everyday realities that Cubans have to deal with because the United States government has imposed a complete oil blockade over the last six months. On top of that is the 67-year-old general blockade of the sovereign nation, severely punishing nations and businesses that conduct business with the island nation – all because Cubans want to run Cuba without foreign interference. 

The Second Secretary of the Cuban Embassy, Gabrilla Castillo, has been gracious enough to answer a few questions that contradict this country’s mainstream media propaganda campaign against Cuba. All of this is occurring in the wake of the United States government looking to fabricate a provocative reason that would justify an invasion of Cuba to the international world. 

JR Valrey: The US government has recently placed murder charges on Raul Castro, the former Cuban president and revolutionary combatant, for a 1996 incident where the Cuban government shot down a plane invading Cuban airspace/ What are your thoughts?

Gabriella Castillo: JR, thank you so much for the possibility of this interview. To answer your first question, yes, after weeks of talking about it, on May 20 the U.S. Department of Justice officially announced charges against the leader of the Cuban Revolution, Raúl Castro.

That same day, the Cuban Revolutionary Government released a very strong statement making it clear that the U.S. government has neither the legitimacy nor the jurisdiction to carry out an action like this, especially when it’s based on a complete distortion of the facts.

For people who might not know the background here, the accusation is tied to the 1996 incident where two planes operated by the Miami-based terrorist group “Brothers to the Rescue” were shot down after violating Cuban airspace. What a lot of people leave out is that, before that happened, those planes had repeatedly violated Cuba’s airspace for hostile purposes, and everybody knew it.

And when I say everybody knew it, I mean the Cuban government had already made public warnings and filed formal complaints with the U.S. State Department, the Federal Aviation Administration, the International Civil Aviation Organization, and even directly warned the president of the United States at the time. All of that got ignored.

We’re talking about 25 serious and deliberate violations of Cuban airspace over a period of two straight years. So honestly, what sovereign country would just sit back and allow that without defending itself? Even in that tense situation, Cuba exhausted every diplomatic route possible to avoid a tragic outcome. We are a people who believe in peace, but we also have the right to defend ourselves. That right is recognized under the UN Charter and international law.

That’s the real context behind these accusations against Raúl. Raúl is a symbol of the Cuban Revolution. He earned the respect of the Cuban people because he dedicated his entire life to defending Cuba — from the Moncada uprising, to the Sierra Maestra, to the responsibilities he took on after 1959, including serving as president.

And beyond Cuba, Raúl is internationally respected for Cuba’s role as a guarantor in the Colombian peace talks, for helping lead the effort to declare Latin America a Zone of Peace, and for something that matters deeply to both Cubans and Americans: the process of restoring diplomatic relations between our two countries.

Raúl is a symbol. And people defend their symbols.

That’s why thousands of Cubans gathered at Havana’s Anti-Imperialist Tribune to reject these accusations against Raúl, because at the end of the day, this is seen by many Cubans as a fraudulent attack not just on one man, but on the country itself.

JR Valrey: Do you think that the US government is using the indictment of Raul Castro as a pretext for military aggression?

Gabriella Castillo: I think this accusation is just another addition to a long — very long — list of excuses used to try to manufacture consent for aggression against Cuba and ultimately to justify the collective and ruthless punishment imposed on the Cuban people.

That punishment includes almost 70 years of the economic, commercial and financial blockade against my country, and more recently the oil blockade, with all of its massive extraterritorial impacts. These policies don’t just target the Cuban government — they directly affect ordinary people, families, hospitals, transportation, food production and daily life across the island. But despite all the difficulties, Cuba continues defending its sovereignty and its right to decide its own future without foreign interference.

JR Valrey: How has the unjust US imposed oil blockade affected Cuban society, compounded with the illegal US imposed 67-year general blockade? 

Gabriella Castillo: Right now, I can honestly tell you, without exaggeration, that there is not a single aspect of everyday life in Cuba that hasn’t been impacted by this situation.

People are dealing with blackouts lasting close to — or even more than — 24 hours at a time. There are serious difficulties distributing food, buying food, pumping clean drinking water, and accessing basic medicines. Schools are facing enormous challenges just to maintain normal classes and daily operations.

And one of the most painful impacts is what’s happening in the healthcare sector, because it directly affects the right to life. For Cuba, free and universal healthcare has always been a national priority, and for decades the country maintained health indicators comparable to developed nations.

Something especially shocking — and something Congressmembers Pramila Jayapal and Jonathan Jackson pointed out during their visit to Cuba in April — is the impact on pediatric care.

For decades, Cuba had some of the lowest infant mortality rates in the world, even lower than those of the United States since the 1970s. But over the last eight years, infant mortality in Cuba has more than doubled, rising from 4.0 to 9.9 deaths per 1,000 live births. Conditions in Cuban hospitals have deteriorated rapidly since the current U.S. administration imposed the oil blockade.

The extraterritorial sanctions imposed by the United States make it extremely difficult — and sometimes outright impossible — for Cuba to purchase new medical equipment like incubators and ventilators for maternity and pediatric hospitals.

A few months ago, Cuba’s Minister of Health reported that more than 11,000 Cuban children are currently waiting for surgery. Sadly, that number will likely continue growing as long as the sanctions and oil blockade remain in place.

At the same time, worsening food shortages have also contributed to rising infant mortality rates, partly because many pregnant women are unable to access adequate nutrition.

And now, on top of the shortages of medicine and medical equipment, hospitals are also struggling with fuel shortages. The government has tried to prioritize electricity for hospitals even when entire cities are without power, but even that protection is beginning to fail.

That’s the reality Cuba is facing today. And in the middle of all this, it’s important to recognize the incredible dedication of Cuban doctors, nurses, scientists and healthcare workers, who continue saving lives despite impossible conditions. But they are fighting an uphill battle against time.

Sanctions kill — there should be no doubt about that. Maybe bombs are not falling on Cuba right now, but this is still a form of war. A war that is directly affecting the lives of our children, our elderly and our most vulnerable people.

JR Valrey: Can you talk a little bit about the strides Cuba has made in the sector of solar energy?

Gabriella Castillo: Despite the severe fuel shortages caused by the tightening of U.S. sanctions and the energy blockade, Cuba has been pushing hard to move forward in renewable energy, especially solar power.

Over the last few years, the country has rapidly expanded its solar energy capacity, reaching around 1,700 megawatts of installed solar generation. For Cuba, this is not just about environmental policy — it’s become a matter of energy security and national survival. The goal is to reduce dependence on imported fossil fuels and bring more stability to the electrical grid.

Right now, Cuba is developing a major national project aimed at installing 2,000 megawatts of solar power across the country. The first phase includes the construction of dozens of solar parks in every province, while a second phase is expected to expand that capacity even further by 2031.

And this effort is not only focused on the national grid. Cuba has also prioritized installing solar panels in essential public services like hospitals, schools, water pumping systems, rural clinics and community centers. In many places, these systems are helping communities maintain vital services during blackouts and fuel shortages.

So even in the middle of an extremely difficult economic and energy crisis, Cuba is still investing in a cleaner and more sustainable future. It’s a huge challenge, but it also shows the country’s determination to adapt, resist and keep moving forward despite the pressure it faces.

JR Valrey: What are your thoughts on a US Navy aircraft carrier being stationed close to Cuban waters similar to how the navy was positioned when they invaded Venezuela to abduct Venezuelan President Maduro, in January?

Gabriella Castillo: Look, our country is doing everything possible to achieve a diplomatic solution to the current situation. We do not want a war with the United States, and we know that the overwhelming majority of the American people do not want a war with Cuba either.

Our Foreign Minister has said very clearly that a conflict between our countries would be a bloodbath where valuable lives would be lost on both sides. That’s why Cuba’s position will always be to pursue dialogue, because dialogue is the only responsible path forward in a moment like this.

That being said, Cuba is also a people with a deep conviction to defend its sovereignty no matter the cost. Hopefully, a scenario of aggression never happens — that is absolutely not what we want — but if it does happen, considering all the threats of agression, we will defend ourselves, and we will defend our homeland.

Beyond any criticism or internal differences, Cubans will always put the country first — our land, our dignity, and everything we have built through so much sacrifice and despite decades of constant pressure and hostility. At the end of the day, when it comes to defending Cuba’s sovereignty, that sense of unity runs very deep among our people.

JR Valrey: What are your thoughts on the National Black Caucus in the US Congress writing an official letter condemning the blockade on Cuba? 

Gabriella Castillo: Just like the many other voices speaking out against the blockade and in favor of a respectful and constructive relationship between two neighboring countries, the letter from the Congressional Black Caucus is another clear example that this policy of economic suffocation against the Cuban people does not reflect the feelings of the majority of the American people.

Cuba has a long and historic relationship with the Congressional Black Caucus, one built on mutual respect and dialogue. Over the years, several members of the CBC have visited Cuba and witnessed firsthand the humanitarian impact that the blockade has on the daily lives of ordinary Cubans.

We deeply appreciate this position, especially at a time when the tightening of unilateral sanctions is seriously affecting essential sectors like healthcare, food security, energy and the overall well-being of Cuban families.

Statements like this show that there are sectors within U.S. society and even within the American political class that support dialogue, cooperation and respect for Cuba’s sovereignty instead of hostility and collective punishment.

JR Valrey: What are your thoughts on the US government continuing to employ the imperialist Monroe Doctrine 2.0 aka the Donroe Doctrine in the Americas and the Caribbean specifically in the last six months with military aggression being used against Venezuela, Ecuador, Mexico and threats issued against Cuba and Colombia?

Gabriella Castillo: The reactivation of the so-called Monroe Doctrine reflects an anachronistic and interventionist view of hemispheric relations. It does not contribute to regional stability or to respect for international law. On the contrary, it generates tensions, undermines the sovereignty of states, and hinders efforts toward cooperation and regional integration.

Latin America and the Caribbean have historically declared their aspiration to be a Zone of Peace, based on mutual respect, non-interference in internal affairs and the peaceful resolution of disputes. Any attempt to impose agendas through military, economic or political pressure goes against these principles and revives practices that many peoples in the region consider outdated and unacceptable.

Cuba has always defended the need for international relations based on sovereign equality, dialogue and cooperation, rather than hegemonic doctrines or threats of force. The peoples of Latin America and the Caribbean have the right to freely determine their own destiny, without external interference.

JR Valrey: What can people do to support the Cuban Revolution at this vital time? 

Gabriella Castillo: As a diplomat, and in accordance with the principles established in the Vienna Convention that guide the conduct of foreign officials accredited abroad, it would not be appropriate for me to encourage or direct anyone toward any particular course of action. But I truly appreciate your interest in staying informed about Cuba and the challenges our people are facing.

SF Bay View Editor-in-Chief JR Valrey is a veteran journalist who can be heard weekly on Wednesdays on 89.5FM KPOO or KPOO.com from noon to 3 p.m. His work can also be heard on www.blockreportradioworld.com. 

The post Lies, economic strangulation and genocide: The US vs. Cuba appeared first on San Francisco Bay View.

by JR Valrey, the People’s Minister of Information

The fight for police accountability in Oakland, like most cities that Black people inhabit, has been an age-old fight that dates back to the establishment of Oakland. A century ago, in the 1920s, the Ku Klux Klan were bringing record numbers of racists together in the Henry J. Kaiser Center for ritualistic hate rallies. After they traded in their pointed hats for black police uniforms, the agenda to kill, scare and contain Blacks continued behind a badge, backed by white supremacy. When the turbulent ‘60s rolled in, starting in Oakland and spreading like an inferno, the Black Panther Party got famous after addressing the police terror epidemic with: police accountability patrols, observing the police and informing people of their rights in real-time during police confrontations, as well as armed self defense and resistance. 

Cathy Leonard is a frontline activist when it comes to addressing police murder and abuse of Black people in the Town, Oakland. With Oakland City Councilman Ken Houston pushing for vast changes, which many believe weaken police accountability, I wanted to talk to a veteran in the police accountability movement who could share experience and organizational history with the people.  

JR Valrey: What is the purpose of the Oakland Police Commission? 

Cathy Leonard: The Oakland Police Commission provides oversight of the Oakland Police Department, independent of The City. It also oversees the Community Policing Review Agency (CPRA) and the Office of the Inspector General (OIG). It ensures that OPD’s policies, practices and customs meet national standards of constitutional policing.

In 2016, Oakland voted by 83% to pass Measure LL, which created the Police Commission and the Community Police Review Agency (CPRA). Measure S1 was a follow-up to Measure LL and in 2020 was approved by 83% of Oakland voters. Measure S1 strengthened the OIG’s office, provided professional staff, including an attorney not associated with the City Attorney’s Office.

After Measure LL was supported by the voters, the Police Commission was formally created by the City Council in July 2018 through a Charter, a voter approved document sort of like the City’s Constitution, and an Enabling Ordinance, a local law enacted by the City Council to regulate specific matters, here the Police Commission and the bodies it oversees.

JR Valrey: Why was it established? 

Cathy Leonard: Oakland citizens were frustrated by the long history of OPD’s systemic civil rights abuses, controversial police shootings, failure to discipline officers, the policy of the highest levels of OPD ignoring the abuses. OPD was under federal oversight due to a class action lawsuit, and compliance was supposed to be completed in 2008. 

By 2016, the court was still overseeing OPD and Oakland residents realized that we needed a permanent, local oversight system to ensure ongoing compliance with these reforms after the federal court vacated the order.

JR Valrey: How does the Police Commission work exactly?

Cathy Leonard: The Police Commission completes its work through ad hoc committees, which also consist of community members. As a body, it approves or rejects proposed changes to OPD policies, procedures, customs and General Orders, especially those related to use of force, profiling, First Amendment assemblies, and compliance with the Negotiated Settlement Agreement.

JR Valrey: How does the community play a part? 

Cathy Leonard: The community played an initial part by seeking out two councilpersons to work with them on creating Measures LL and S1 and later by attending meetings of the Selection Panel, the Police Commission and/or joining an ad hoc committee and City Council and committee meetings where police accountability matters are agendized. 

JR Valrey: Why did you start doing police accountability work?  

Cathy Leonard: I attended a Community Police Review Board, predecessor to the Community Police Review Agency, meeting and commented on their bylaws. Rashidah Grinage, founder of the Coalition for Police Accountability (CPA) was also commenting. Then Executive Director Anthony Finnell asked me if I would work with Mrs. Grinage on editing the bylaws. Mrs. Grinage gave me a history lesson and talked about the CPA. 

I had always been aware of police accountability issues in my neighborhood and across Oakland and thought it would be a great organization to join. Happy to say, I was right. I attended meetings, became a member, a Steering Committee member, and eventually the president of the Coalition for Police Accountability. My work on this issue continues today.

JR Valrey: When did you become a part of the Police Commission? 

Cathy Leonard: I was never a part of the Police Commission, but I do serve on its Discipline Matrix Ad Hoc Committee.

JR Valrey: Can you talk about the recent proposal by Oakland City Councilmember Ken Houston to create a ballot measure that some say may overthrow the Police Commission? What are your thoughts? 

Cathy Leonard: His proposal weakens the entire structure of the Police Commission and the bodies it oversees. Councilmember Houston’s proposed ballot measure seeks to rob the Police Commission and the Selection Panel of its voter mandated independence. Despite his proposal’s claims to strengthen the independence of the Office of the Inspector General, the proposal would weaken the OIG’s office by folding it into the City Auditor’s Office and giving the authority to appoint the IG to the Auditor. Voters made their intentions clear at the ballot box that they wanted transparency and bodies independent of City Hall, and Houston’s proposal strikes against that.

JR Valrey: How has the current mayor Barbara Lee and the current Oakland City Council been on the topic of police accountability? 

Cathy Leonard: So far they have voiced support for police accountability, but it remains to be seen whether they will accept Houston’s proposed measure to weaken the Police Commission, the Selection Panel and the OIG’s office. It also remains to be seen whether they will fund police accountability appropriately and pass an updated ordinance, which is needed.

MOI JR: The Oakland Police Department has been receiving federal oversight since the conclusion of the Oakland Riders trial in 2003 because of its accountability issues and the fact that it has been run like a mafia that is above the law. What are your thoughts on the Oakland Police Department, one of the most corrupt departments in the country, still requiring federal oversight continuously after 23 years and numerous leadership shuffles? 

Cathy Leonard: My thoughts are that the department needs a complete overhaul to change its entire culture. They need to take ownership of their conduct and stop blaming the requirements imposed by increased oversight and accountabilty as reasons why they can’t do their jobs. 

MOI JR Valrey: How can concerned community members get involved with the Oakland Police Commission?  

Cathy Leonard: Familiarize themselves with the Charter and Enabling Ordinance, attend Police Commission meetings and join an ad hoc committee. Community members can also seek to join the Selection Panel and/or the Police Commission. Community members can also attend City Council or council committee meetings via zoom or telephone or submit an eComment before the meetings when police accountability items are on the agendas. 

SF Bay View Editor-in-Chief JR Valrey is a veteran journalist who can be heard weekly on Wednesdays on 89.5 FM KPOO or KPOO.com from noon to 3 p.m. His work can also be heard on www.blockreportradioworld.com. 

The post Do Oakland Councilman Houston’s proposed sweeping changes wreck police accountability? appeared first on San Francisco Bay View.

Washington, May 23, 2026 – On Friday, May 22, 2026, Congressional Black Caucus Chairwoman Yvette D. Clarke (NY-09) issued a letter demanding that President Trump and Secretary Rubio end the oil blockades imposed on Cuba in light of the accelerating humanitarian crisis on the island.

In the letter, the Congressional Black Caucus urges the Trump administration to relieve the economic pressure on the island, which has led to an increase in infant mortality rates, the threat of starvation, and a declining standard of living for innocent Cuban civilians.

“Under the administration’s oil blockade and tightening of sanctions, Cubans are dying,” the chairwoman writes. “The New York Times has reported that, as a result of the sanctions, the infant mortality rate in Cuba has more than doubled since 2018. With food shortages leading to more underweight pregnant mothers and their newborns, too many Cuban children are unable to make it out of the hospital and home to their families.”

The Congressional Black Caucus, which has long encouraged the United States to be a leader on the global stage in supporting peace and justice, admonished the administration for its harsh policies that have led to the dire situation facing the Cuban people.

Chairwoman Clarke continued: “Enough is enough. The Congressional Black Caucus will not stand by and allow this administration to continue this barbaric policy that generates unimaginable human suffering in Cuba. We are demanding that you end the oil blockade, lift the sanctions on Cuba, and allow the Cuban people access to the most basic resources they need to sustain life on the island.”

Read the full letter here.

To contact the Congressional Black Caucus, call 202-226-9776 or email info.blackcaucus@mail.house.gov. To learn more, visit https://cbc.house.gov/. 

The post Congressional Black Caucus demands Trump administration end the oil blockades on Cuba appeared first on San Francisco Bay View.

by Ericka Scott

The San Francisco Board of Supervisors is getting ready to vote on a 13-month lease that would hand programming at the Ella Hill Hutch Community Center over to Shakirah Simley, the executive director of the Booker T. Washington Community Service Center. The deal, pushed by District 5 Supervisor Bilal Mahmood and Mayor Daniel Lurie, is being marketed as a summer rescue. To the Fillmore families with the deepest history and most at stake, it feels like something else entirely: a hostile takeover. 

Ella Hill Hutch sits on McAllister Street in the heart of the Fillmore, blocks from where 15-year-old Jayda Mabrey was killed in a triple shooting near a public playground at Golden Gate and Laguna in late January. Mabrey, a 10th-grader at Gateway High School, was a bystander caught in crossfire. With summer — historically the most dangerous season for young people in the neighborhood — bearing down, the urgency of keeping Ella Hill Hutch open could not be greater.

That urgency is precisely why the process matters. Collective Impact, which ran programs at Ella Hill Hutch for more than a decade, vacated this year after its longtime executive director, James Spingola, was arrested in March on felony charges of aiding and abetting financial conflicts of interest in city contracts. Spingola was charged alongside Sheryl Davis, former executive director of the San Francisco Human Rights Commission and former head of the City’s Dream Keeper Initiative, who faces 17 felony counts including misappropriation of public funds. Prosecutors allege the two shared a home and intertwined finances while Davis steered millions of dollars in city money to Spingola’s nonprofit.

Simley worked closely with Sheryl Davis for years at HRC and was appointed to a series of positions during that regime, including her current role at Booker T. Washington. Placing the same circle of leadership in charge of two of the Fillmore’s most prominent community centers, while the corruption probe is still unfolding, is a recipe for disaster all over again.

I grew up on Golden Gate and Steiner. As a UC Berkeley freshman, I walked past Ella Hill Hutch every day on my way to BART. Years later, I came back to teach business classes there at the invitation of then-executive director Lefty Gordon. For me — as for so many with generations of family ties to the Fillmore — Ella Hill Hutch is not a building to be leased. It is a community institution, and decisions about its future must be made with the community, not dictated by City Hall.

That is not what is happening. I sit on the Fillmore Community Action Plan Committee, and I asked Supervisor Mahmood and Mayor Lurie’s Director of Community Affairs Ernest Jones in numerous meetings that any decision about Ella Hill Hutch be brought back to residents. Those requests were not honored. At a recent public meeting, Simley said there was no room on her board for new members, that she and her team alone would make decisions for the direction of Ella Hill Hutch and we should let her steer the ship without any additional input. 

The Rev. Dr. Amos C. Brown, pastor emeritus of Third Baptist Church, was blunt about Simley: “She aspires to this position in the community, but she is not connected with it. She has not communicated with people nor demonstrated a sense of the history of this community or any knowledge of the collective values that truly make for strong minority communities.”

Parents with children at the center describe meetings with Simley and the City as feeling like a hostile takeover. When I asked neighbors why they were going along with it, the answer was a quiet, defeated, “We didn’t think we had a choice.”

There is another path. Renard Monroe, founder and executive director of Youth 1st—a nonprofit that has served San Francisco youth for more than 25 years through year-round after-school and summer programming—has been showing up. He attends public meetings, listens to longtime residents, and has earned broad community support for taking on leadership of summer programming at Ella Hill Hutch. He has done what no one currently making decisions at City Hall has done: come to the neighborhood and asked. 

“Ella Hill Hutch is a community space that needs to be held in community,” Monroe said. “That means having a genuine community process to determine its direction.”

Julian Davis, a San Francisco attorney and former board president of the Booker T. Washington Community Service Center, agrees. “The Booker T. Washington and Ella Hill Hutch centers are both vital and traditionally independent community resources in the neighborhood,” Davis said. “Even if Shakirah Simley were a popular choice, and even without the public corruption scandals involving her longtime patrons, it has never been a well-received idea to have Booker T. Washington running Ella Hill Hutch. The City’s wiser course is to pursue the available and more popular option with an open community process.”

Whoever is entrusted with Ella Hill Hutch this summer, the arrangement should be temporary — a bridge through the urgent summer months while permanent leadership is identified through a genuine community process. The proposed lease runs 13 months, not three. The plan was hatched without the community. The leadership being installed was groomed by an administration now under criminal indictment. None of this is “rescue.” It is the same back-door playbook that has long defined the worst of San Francisco politics — the kind of process that perpetuates the very conditions in which Jayda Mabrey died.

The Fillmore is not asking to be rescued by so-called leaders we don’t support. We are asking that those of us with the history, the ties and the most at stake be at the table when our institutions are reshaped. We are asking the supervisors to listen and to back the leader the community is already standing behind, and we are asking City Hall to remember what it keeps forgetting: Ella Hill Hutch belongs to the community. 

Ericka Scott is a third-generation San Franciscan and Fillmore native, owner of Honey Art Studio, and a longtime community advocate. She serves on the Fillmore Community Action Plan Committee. 

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by JR Valrey, The People’s Minister of Information

Within the last few weeks, the US government has issued a myriad of threats in the international corporate media – threats that include military aggression against the people of Cuba, on top of the illegal U.S. government-imposed total oil blockade since January, on top of the genocidal US government-imposed 67-year-old general blockade against Cuba, because Cuba was determined to guide its own destiny instead of remaining a U.S. colony. 

With all this propaganda spewing about Cuba from government-agenda-supporting mainstream corporate media, I talked to Cuban journalist Liz Oliva Fernández, who is based in Havana, fights with her microphone, and works for Belly of the Beast, a U.S.-based multimedia platform. I wanted her to set the record straight on what’s happening on the ground of where she was raised, and still lives. 

People’s journalism, which we practice, gives voice to the people being affected, rather than just to intellectuals and academics who study stats and data about issues in our world. This is our way of being in journalistic solidarity with the people of Cuba, who the US government is genocidally killing with the imposition of their multiple blockades funded by U.S. taxpayers.

JR Valrey: Who created Belly of the Beast? What is the story behind how Belly of the Beast was created?

Liz Oliva Fernández: That’s a question for Reed Lindsay, who is actually the creator and director of Belly of the Beast. He and a group of friends were thinking about creating a media outlet. It took some time, but he finally did it back in 2020.

I think it’s a dream for filmmakers and journalists around the world to have your own media outlet with your own rules and your own political editorial line. That’s the dream, because it means that, in some way, your work will reflect who you are and your expectations as a journalist.

JR Valrey: How did you become involved with Belly of the Beast? Did you have a journalism career prior to Belly of the Beast?

Liz Oliva Fernández: I became involved with Belly of the Beast in the summer of 2020. We were in the middle of the pandemic, and someone told me that a U.S. group of documentary filmmakers and journalists were looking for a journalist who could speak English to work on a film about the impact of the sanctions on the Cuban people. And I said yes.

I received a call from Reed Lindsay to participate in a kind of casting process, so I went through a long series of interviews about the whole project in order to try and get the job.

The funny thing is that it was only supposed to be a three-month job, from August to October, because they were planning to release the documentary, “The War on Cuba,” before the elections. So, it was meant to be just this one thing I was doing — a one-time project — and that was all.

So far, though, I’ve been working for Belly of the Beast for six years now.

JR Valrey: It is said that the first casualty of war is truth. In looking at the 67-year-old U.S.-imposed blockade on Cuba, and the complete oil blockade of Cuba, how would you compare your coverage of Cuban society to the coverage given by corporate media in the U.S. over the last year?

Liz Oliva Fernández: It’s like el día y la noche — “day and night.” I don’t know if that’s the right phrase in English, but yes, both sides have nothing in common.

The perspective that Belly of the Beast offers about Cuba is so different from the perspective being showcased not only in U.S. corporate media, but around the world. I don’t think there is a fair take about Cuba in these big media outlets because, to begin with, they just portray us as victims: “Oh, poor Cubans. They’re so poor. There are so many crises. They’re failing,” whatever.

But I don’t think they actually see Cuba and Cubans for what we really are. We are resilient people. We are hardworking people. We are people who have achieved a lot. We are people from the Global South who were able to accomplish so many goals in science and technology, like no other countries with similar characteristics.

That’s a story about Cuba that hasn’t been told enough in mainstream media, and there are almost no positive perspectives about Cuba in the coverage they produce. But this is not something strictly related to Cuba.

Journalists from the Global North often come to the Global South, spend a week here, and then say: “Yeah, I understand what is happening here. I’m telling everyone the story because I get it, and I will explain it to the world.” But most of the time, that’s not accurate.

OK, there is some truth in that, but it’s not the whole context, and it’s not the whole country. I don’t like the lack of interest for so many other topics they could address during that same amount of time.

That is one of Belly of the Beast’s biggest achievements: We actually have Cuban journalists talking about Cuba, explaining Cuba, explaining the phenomena occurring in Cuba and the stories happening in Cuba while living through them at the same time.

That’s why sometimes this job can be depressing. I’m living through a crisis, and then I spend the rest of my time working around that crisis, trying to create content about it and explain it to people. What does this crisis have to do with U.S. policy? What does it have to do with them?

So, I spend most of my day talking about how difficult and saddening it has become to live and survive in Cuba. I used to love being here. I used to love being Cuban. In some ways, I still do. I’m still proud of that.

But it’s difficult. It’s hard. We are tired and frustrated, and most of the time we are trying to create a positive story while enduring entire nights without electricity — sweating through blackouts because it’s unbearably hot.

We are trying to create something beautiful out of that. And when I say “beautiful,” I don’t mean we are trying to put makeup on the reality of our country. I mean beautiful in the sense that we can decide how to tell our story.

That’s another strong point of Belly of the Beast: cinematography. It’s how we can tell even sad stories in a beautiful way.

JR Valrey: Who exactly is Belly of the Beast’s target audience? Why does Belly of the Beast target an English-speaking audience?

Liz Oliva Fernández: Well, Belly of the Beast is a U.S. independent media outlet, so naturally our primary audience is English-speaking viewers, especially people in the United States.

That’s intentional. U.S. policy plays an enormous role in shaping life in Cuba, yet many Americans only encounter Cuba through outdated narratives or politically motivated coverage.

Of course, we want to reach the people whose perceptions — and whose government — directly influence Cuba’s future.

JR Valrey: With the U.S. government imposing illegal blockades and threatening to invade the island in the near future, from your perspective how are the masses of Cuban people’s mental and physical health affected by this decades-long economic war and the threat of military invasion?

Liz Oliva Fernández: I can’t speak for all Cubans because I don’t represent the entirety of the Cuban people. I can only speak from my own experience.

As I said before, sometimes we are frustrated and sometimes we are sad. The danger of a real military intervention in Cuba is something I think about when talking with my coworkers. It’s beginning to feel real.

I think for us as journalists, it can feel even more tangible because we already know what U.S. military intervention can mean. If you look back at history and the countries the United States has invaded, what has been the result? They do not leave behind a better country than the one they found.

So yes, I think we are living with fear too.

But from my perspective, people are so busy trying to survive day by day that most don’t seriously think about it unless the time comes when it actually happens. We need to survive first.

So, life becomes one day at a time. We can’t really think too far ahead. It is a real danger, of course, but I don’t think people are consumed by that fear yet.

JR Valrey: What do you want people in the United States to get out of your journalism specifically?

Liz Oliva Fernández: I think my goal working at Belly of the Beast is to help educate people about what the U.S. government is doing to Cuba and the impact the sanctions have on the Cuban people.

I want audiences to understand what is happening and the real effects of U.S. policy so they can realize that the sanctions amount to collective punishment, and that they are unfair.

JR Valrey: How have people in the U.S. responded to you being a young Black Cuban woman journalist?

Liz Oliva Fernández: I wouldn’t really know. You would have to ask people in the United States.

There are people who supposedly feel some kind of empathy towards me, my story, and my reporting on Cuba. I suppose there are also people who hate me. You could go and read through social media comment sections.

Of course, there are many Black women and other people in the United States who can relate because, even though our backgrounds are very different, they understand the pain that the U.S. government can cause and the damage it is capable of creating. Because they have been suffering through it before we did, and for a longer time too.

So, they can genuinely empathize, and they know, just as we do, how far this system can go.

But maybe there are also people who simply think I’m a communist. It’s a different opinion. Some people judge me based on one video we made instead of trying to understand our work more broadly by watching the rest of the content we’ve created.

Another thing people love to say is that I work for the Cuban government. But I don’t. I don’t work for any government. We don’t work for the Cuban government, and we don’t work for the U.S. government either, thank God.

Most of the time, I try not to pay attention to what people think about me or my work.

The way I see it is this: I am doing my best to give visibility to the pain of the Cuban people and to reach individuals who can actually do something to help solve these issues.

Is this my favorite kind of journalism to do? No. I would rather talk to Cubans about the issues we face inside Cuba itself. But the sanctions are so large and so impactful that they have kept me busy for six years now.

The longer I have to live under sanctions, the more I want to explain to people the damage they are causing to our population.

I don’t have many privileges as a Black Cuban woman, but if I have the privilege of speaking another language and reaching a U.S. audience, then I’m going to use it to put the reality in front of them — the reality they need to see.

Because I don’t think many people truly realize the damage the United States government is causing, not just in Cuba, but around the world.

JR Valrey: Where can people view Belly of the Beast? 

Liz Oliva Fernández: Anyone can access Belly of the Beast’s work across all of our major platforms. Our main home is our website: https://www.bellyofthebeastcuba.com. 

That’s where we publish articles, project updates and background information on our documentaries and investigations. It’s the best place to explore our work in a more curated, organized way. 

Our full documentaries and investigative series are available on our YouTube channel:

http://www.youtube.com/@BellyofTheBeastCuba. 

This is where most people discover us, and it’s where we release our long‑form reporting, short films and serialized investigations. And of course, for people who want to stay connected, we share regular updates on Instagram, X/Twitter, Facebook and Tiktok. 

We also run a newsletter where we break down our reporting, share context, and highlight stories we’re working on. You can sign up directly through our website.

And for those who want to support independent journalism from Cuba, we have a Patreon at: https://www.patreon.com/cw/BellyoftheBeastCuba. Our Patreon community helps sustain our reporting and allows us to keep producing work that challenges mainstream narratives. 

SF Bay View Editor-in-Chief JR Valrey is a veteran journalist who can be heard weekly on Wednesdays on 89.5 FM KPOO or KPOO.com from noon to 3 p.m. His work can also be heard on www.blockreportradioworld.com. 

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by JR Valrey, The People’s Minister of Information

About time we get a new and unexplored story in US cinema that hasn’t been told before – one that has not been reimagined, remixed, reworked, interpolated or updated. 

Boot’s Riley’s sophomore film, “I Love Boosters,” is a surreal political comedy, worth paying to see, starring well known actress Keke Palmer, whose character is the head of a theft ring that targets high end clothes, like those sold by a filthy rich corporate fashion tycoon, played by actress Demi Moore. The film centers around humanizing the lives of boosters, people who steal clothes from corporate stores to resell at a discount on the streets; in contrast to US media’s normalization of humanizing corporate and government war criminals and environmental and ecological terrorists. 

“I Love Boosters” is a tale set in today’s time, depicting what class struggle looks like to many struggling to survive in the police surveillance state ghettos of the United States. “I Love Boosters” takes its name from the song by the legendary Oakland based rap group, The Coup.

Actor Lakeith Stansfield from the political thriller “Get Out,” who also starred in the classic “Sorry to Bother You,” plays a mystical sex monster in “I Love Boosters,” whose character gives the film a comedic and more mature dynamic, in contrast to how bright colors are used in the film, which is similar to their use in children’s cinema. 

In light of the Bay Area’s revolutionary history and Bay Area-based writer and director Ryan Coogler being validated with an Oscar for his most recent film, Boots Riley should be the most celebrated voice in Bay Area and Black cinema because the themes of his films, including “I Love Boosters,” always center around pointing out political contradictions in society from the perspective of regular everyday people, and confronting those contradictions with organizing. In other words, Riley’s cinematic work pushes that we can be active participants in changing society, just like the music he makes. 

The narratives of Riley’s films differ greatly from those of Coogler, whose work regularly includes themes of Black people knowingly working within the system which they know is committing genocide against the masses of Black people. For example, in his film “Black Panther,” Black Panther gives the vibranium aka vital minerals to the CIA; in “Black Panther II,” Black Panther saves the CIA agent’s life in battle; and in “Judas and the Black Messiah,” Coogler humanizes the FBI operative who assassinated Illinois Deputy Chairman Fred Hampton of the Black Panther Party, as well as Defense Captain Mark Clark. 

Whether Boots Riley is behind the camera as the writer and director of films “Sorry to Bother You” and “I Love Boosters” or in the booth rapping, he always has a politically provocative anti-system message that critically questions wealth and resource distribution within society. I’ll be the first to say it: Riley’s cinematic work so far is iconic, and it is what the world expects out of Oakland. “I Love Boosters” is the must-see film of the summer. 

JR Valrey is a veteran journalist who can be heard weekly on Wednesdays on 89.5FM KPOO or KPOO.com from noon to 3 p.m. His work can also be heard on www.blockreportradioworld.com. 

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by Barry Hermanson

Although two previous universal healthcare bills (CalCare) had failed to advance out of the California State Assembly during the last four years, I had hopes that the 2026 version, AB 1900, would fare better. 

Democrats nationwide have expressed outrage at the massive cuts to healthcare spending by Republicans, who also gave enormous tax breaks to wealthy people. Not only will tens of millions of people lose access to healthcare, hundreds of hospitals all across the nation will be forced to close. By design, the full impact of the healthcare cuts will not be felt until after the mid-term congressional elections this November. 

I was encouraged by a new poll commissioned by the California Nurses Association (CNA) that found 86% of California Democrats support single payer universal healthcare. With such strong support, I expected AB 1900 would receive a fair hearing this year. I was wrong. It was never referred out of the Assembly Rules Committee for an initial hearing by the Health Committee. Once again, Democrats have killed any debate on how we might improve healthcare access and delivery to all Californians. 

In the past, President Trump has promised to introduce a replacement for Obamacare and has been mocked by Democrats because he has no plan. Now, it appears that Democrats don’t have a plan either other than to maintain the totally inadequate and deadly status quo. The main cause for this sad state of affairs is the reliance on campaign contributions to politicians from the for-profit healthcare industry.

In a press release, CNA members condemned “the California State Assembly’s failure to advance A.B. 1900, the California Guaranteed Health Care for All Act, also known as CalCare, at a time when health care is needed more urgently than ever before. The failure to advance A.B. 1900 shows a lack of leadership and a capitulation to corporate health care interests.” 

The nurses expressed appreciation “to the 25 legislators who are joint authors or coauthors of CalCare.” In a legislature of 80 members of the State Assembly and 40 members of the Senate where a supermajority are Democrats, 25 seems like a very small number. It is even smaller when you consider the following statement by the organization Health Care for US.

“HC4US questions the timing and sincerity of Sen. Scott Wiener and Assemblymember Rick Zbur, who both signed on as AB 1900 co-authors a few days before April 17th when the Speaker’s Office said CalCare wouldn’t be referred to the Rules Committee. Instead of signing on sooner after CalCare was introduced on Feb. 12, did they become co-authors, knowing the bill would crash a few days later? This gives Wiener and Zbur the appearance of supporting single-payer when they don’t have a track record of actually working to help it become law.”

I had a similar concern in 2022. All three of San Francisco’s representatives in Sacramento, Sen. Scott Wiener and Assemblymen Phil Ting and David Chiu, were Principal Coauthors of the original CalCare bill (AB 2200). As a constituent, I never received information from my representatives announcing their support or asking for help in moving it through the Legislature. Phil Ting was my representative in the Assembly. Friends who were represented by David Chiu told me they also never heard anything. 

In March of this year, healthcare activists held a rally and lobby day in Sacramento. A fellow advocate from San Francisco and I stopped by the office of our current representative in the Assembly, Catherine Stefani. We were told by her staff that Stefani was supportive and would be waiting until the Assembly Health Committee hearing to ask to be added to the list of coauthors. At the time, we were encouraged. As I write this, I have serious doubts Stefani ever intended to become a coauthor. She has no history of advocacy for universal healthcare. In San Francisco, many consider her to be a “Corporate Democrat.” She may have known that AB 1900 would not be referred to the Healthcare Committee. 

How many of the 25 legislators who were authors or coauthors of AB 1900 actually worked to help it pass? How many supported the bill in name only? It seems clear that Sen. Scott Wiener and Assemblymember Rich Zbur signed on at the last minute just for show. How many more of their colleagues did nothing to help AB 1900 move forward?

With Democrats blocking any discussion of AB 1900, what is next in the long fight to achieve universal healthcare? Green Party candidate for governor, Butch Ware, who made universal healthcare a central issue in his campaign, will not appear on the ballot due to a disputed minor filing error identified by the California Secretary of State. Leading Democratic candidate Tom Steyer has been advertising his strong support for single payer universal healthcare and has been endorsed by the Nurses (CNA). But even if he is elected, I have serious doubts that members of the Senate and Assembly will pass a new version of CalCare. Next year, there is little evidence that a different outcome can be expected.

I’d like to suggest a different path forward. I’ve long thought that even if the Legislature did pass universal healthcare legislation, those who profit from the status quo would place an initiative on the ballot to repeal it. At some point, voter approval will be needed.

What is needed is a massive voter identification campaign. Since CNA’s poll showed 86% of Democrats support single payer universal healthcare, campaign staff should be hired to knock on doors of every registered Democrat in the state. A ballot initiative that is placed on the ballot by supporters or opponents will still require an extensive voter identification effort. The benefit of doing it before an initiative qualifies for the ballot is that we will be able to communicate with and organize supporters to counter the massive amount of campaign funds our opponents will spend. The potential of losing billions of dollars in profits will prompt unprecedented campaign spending in an effort to keep the profits flowing. Identifying voters and supporters throughout the state will also put pressure on legislators to become active supporters.

We need campaign organizers in each of the 80 Assembly districts in California. That will require a lot of money. If Tom Steyer really is a champion for universal healthcare, he should be asked to help fund this effort. A challenge grant from him could bring in financial contributions from universal healthcare advocates throughout the country. 

In the June 2^nd election this year, San Francisco voters will cast their ballots for a candidate to replace Congresswoman Nancy Pelosi, who is retiring at the end of the year after “representing” the City since 1987. A primary architect of Obamacare, she and most of the rest of the leadership of the Democratic Party have steadfastly opposed all universal healthcare bills. Since her constituents overwhelmingly support universal healthcare, she does not represent us on this issue. Unfortunately, it is possible that Pelosi’s opposition is partially responsible for the failure of AB 1900 to move forward. 

As a long-time advocate for universal healthcare, I will not be voting for Sen. Scott Wiener. I have seen nothing from him or his office during his time in Sacramento that indicates he is a champion of universal healthcare. I believe he is a supporter in name only. If I can’t trust him on what is, for me, a key issue, he does not deserve my vote.

I will also not be voting for Saikat Chakrabarti. He is a leading candidate for Congress even though he has no history of advocacy or involvement in San Francisco politics before becoming a candidate. He has spent millions of dollars of his personal wealth in an attempt, in my opinion, to buy a seat in Congress. It is difficult to trust what he says when he has not been involved in the community.

I am voting for Supervisor Connie Chan. As a member of the Green Party, there are few Democrats who have earned my support. San Francisco politics are currently dominated by Corporate Democrats. The mayor and a majority of the Board of Supervisors are prime examples of what it means to be a Corporate Democrat. Connie is not one of them. She has deep roots in the community and stands out as a champion for working people and for those who are poor. It is important to note that the Nurses (CNA) have endorsed Connie and not Sen. Wiener. Full disclosure: I have donated funds to and am volunteering on her campaign for Congress. 

Barry Hermanson is a member of the San Francisco Green Party County Council. Before he retired, he owned and operated a small business and was a leader in the small business community in San Francisco.

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Sacramento, Calif. – The Butch Ware for Governor 2026 campaign has filed a federal civil-rights lawsuit and an emergency motion in the United States District Court for the Eastern District of California, demanding that Senior District Judge William B. Shubb issue a Temporary Restraining Order restoring Dr. Butch Ware to the gubernatorial primary ballot. Filed under 42 U.S.C. § 1983, the federal civil-rights statute, the case alleges that the California Secretary of State’s disqualification of Dr. Ware over alleged tax-return paperwork defects violated the First and 14th Amendments.

The lawsuit, captioned Ware v. Weber and assigned Case No. 2:26-cv-01643 WBS SCR, names California Secretary of State Shirley N. Weber as defendant in her official capacity. Lead counsel is James E. Tyrrell III of Dickinson Wright PLLC in Washington, D.C., joined by Eric R. McDonough of the firm’s San Diego office as local counsel.

The federal court is treating this as an emergency

Within 48 hours of the campaign’s filing, the Court issued a briefing order placing Ware v. Weber on an expedited emergency schedule. The Secretary of State’s opposition is due May 4, 2026, seven days after filing rather than the customary 21. The campaign’s reply is due May 6. The Court will then take the motion under submission and rule, with the earliest possible ruling date May 6 and the latest realistic date around May 12.

The schedule reflects a federal court moving as quickly as it can while still affording the State an opportunity to be heard. May 4 is also the day, under California Elections Code § 3001, that county election officials must begin mailing vote-by-mail ballots for the June 2 primary. The Court’s pace is the clock against the state’s own.

A landmark civil-rights case

The complaint advances three constitutional claims, all under 42 U.S.C. § 1983: First and 14th Amendment ballot-access violation under the Anderson-Burdick framework; 14th Amendment procedural due process; and 14th Amendment equal protection. The campaign argues that the Secretary of State’s office issued shifting and contradictory deficiency notices about Dr. Ware’s tax-return submissions over a 10-day window in March, culminating in a final notice at 4:50 p.m. on the March 16 statutory deadline that demanded cure by 5:00 p.m., a 10-minute window. Of the 61 candidates appearing on the gubernatorial primary ballot, several have tax submissions with the same alleged deficiencies the Secretary cited against Dr. Ware. They were not disqualified.

The campaign’s experience is itself the proof that California Elections Code §§ 8902 and 8903, the gubernatorial tax-return-disclosure law that Gov. Gavin Newsom signed into law in July 2019 as part of Senate Bill 27, cannot be administered fairly. The statute was unilateral in its drafting and selective in its application. What was sold as a principled disclosure rule has operated, in our case, as an administrative weapon used to thin the gubernatorial field.

A statute with a twin already struck down

This case is the first major federal challenge to the gubernatorial half of Senate Bill 27, the 2019 California statute requiring both presidential and gubernatorial primary candidates to disclose five years of federal tax returns as a condition of ballot access. The presidential half was struck down unanimously by the California Supreme Court in Patterson v. Padilla in November 2019, in litigation responding to a federal challenge originally brought by Donald J. Trump. The Court held, in language that speaks directly to this case:

“Ultimately, it is the voters who must decide whether the refusal of a [presidential primary candidate] to make such information available to the public will have consequences at the ballot box.” California Supreme Court, Patterson v. Padilla, 9 Cal.5th 1, 19 (2019)

The gubernatorial half, identical in design, has remained on the books, untested, for seven years. Ware v. Weber carries that same constitutional question into the federal courts. A ruling in Dr. Ware’s favor would complete the constitutional reckoning that Patterson began and would foreclose any future use of §§ 8902 and 8903 against gubernatorial candidates of any party.

“Voters have a right to choose between every candidate the Constitution makes eligible. The Secretary of State does not get to thin that field through arbitrary procedural traps. This case is about every Californian who believes ballot access should not depend on whether a candidate can navigate a 10-minute deadline.” Dr. Butch Ware, Candidate for Governor

About Butch Ware for California Governor 2026

Dr. Rudolph “Butch” Ware is running for Governor of California with the Green Party. He is a longtime organizer and movement builder, and is a tenured professor of African and Islamic history at University of California, Santa Barbara. He ran as the Vice Presidential candidate alongside Jill Stein in the 2024 U.S. Presidential election. His campaign is fully grassroots and does not accept corporate or super PAC donations. His platform includes guaranteed affordable housing, single payer healthcare, free community and state colleges for California residents, fully funded and expanded public transit, and more.

To learn more, go to his website,  butchware4gov.org , Instagram: @butchware, Twitter: @ButchWare, Facebook: ButchWare4Gov2026

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Black leaders say record campaign spending is bypassing their communities

by Sacramento Observer President and Publisher Larry Lee

Billionaire Tom Steyer has spent more than $132 million trying to become California’s next governor. Advertising tracker AdImpact shows he has spent or booked over $115 million in ads for broadcast TV, cable and radio alone — nearly 30 times the amount of his nearest Democratic rival. His face is inescapable on television sets from Sacramento to San Diego.

Not one dollar, according to Black community leaders, has gone to Black-owned media.

That contradiction — a self-described progressive pouring a historic fortune into the California airwaves while bypassing the outlets that serve the state’s Black communities — has become a flashpoint in the most consequential governor’s race in a generation. And it is not just about one candidate. It is also not just about the broad advertising spend that falls flat among Black voters. 

Black leaders across California are ringing the alarm because this election cycle represents a missed opportunity. Many have said they want intentional engagement, real investment and accountability to their priorities. They say campaigns are missing the chance to build meaningful relationships with the Black community and it is a pattern that has gone on long enough.

“The frustration of the Black community is at a fever pitch,” said Kendra Lewis, chair of the California Democratic Black Caucus. “Leaders and community members have had enough. They are tired of working for and with nothing and feel disrespected.”

A race drowning in dollars, starved of equity

Steyer is on track to run the most expensive gubernatorial campaign in state history, having personally poured $105 million into the race from January through mid-April. By contrast, State Superintendent of Public Instruction Tony Thurmond raised just $62,000 in the most recent fundraising period — a fraction of what Steyer has spent in a single week — underscoring the brutal financial reality facing candidates who don’t arrive with personal fortunes or Silicon Valley backing. According to KPI’s 2026 Political Media Forecast, as reported by Axios, California is projected to see $773 million in total political ad spending this election cycle — third in the nation. That flood of money has gone largely to mainstream broadcast television. Black-owned newspapers, radio stations, and digital outlets — the trusted voices that reach Black voters where they live — have been left out.

Lewis, who fields calls from across the state as chair of the Black Caucus, says the gap between what campaigns spend and where they spend it is impossible to ignore.

“People reach out to me on a weekly basis wanting to know if we have resources for education and outreach,” she said. “Our community is being taken for granted.”

The data backs her up. California is home to the fifth largest Black population in the country. Black voters have consistently delivered for Democratic candidates cycle after cycle.

“If you look at the data for each cycle, it’s clear that we show up,” Lewis said. “The investment in campaigns, hiring consultants, and using Black businesses doesn’t match how we show up at the polls.”

‘Punching above our weight’

Pastor Michael McBride, co-founder of the Bay Area’s Black Church PAC, has watched this dynamic play out for years — and says this cycle may be the breaking point.

“It continues to be a point of great frustration that the California Democratic Party and the candidates running for statewide offices do not invest in voter engagement in Black communities,” McBride said. “We are always punching above our weight in elections, and are never given the resources to increase our turnout when voting day arrives. We demand transparency and equitable investment and call for campaigns to commit to this in the upcoming primaries and midterm elections.”

The warning carries real electoral stakes. With Republican voters largely coalesced around two candidates and Democrats divided across a crowded field, there is a real risk that two Republicans could advance to the November general election. If Black turnout drops due to disengagement, that risk grows considerably.

Lewis was direct about where the blame would fall.

“If Black voters don’t show up at the polls, it’s because these campaigns have not invested in the Black community,” she said. “The results (in California) are going to mimic what’s going on nationally.”

‘It’s about value’

Brandon Lamar, President of the Pasadena NAACP, draws a careful but important distinction — and it sharpens the indictment.

“I wouldn’t say Black voters are being ignored outright, but I do believe our priorities are being overlooked,” Lamar said. “There’s a difference. Campaigns may acknowledge the Black vote symbolically, but when you look at where resources are actually being invested, it often doesn’t reflect a real commitment to engaging our communities in meaningful ways.”

For Lamar, the issues are not abstract. In communities like Altadena and Pasadena — still recovering from devastating wildfires — equitable disaster recovery sits alongside housing, economic mobility, public safety, and education as urgent, daily concerns that candidates have largely failed to address directly.

“Candidates should be articulating specific plans that speak directly to these realities and showing how resources will follow those plans,” he said. “What candidates owe Black voters this cycle is simple but significant: intentional engagement, real investment, and accountability to our priorities.”

Lamar pointed to his community’s own record to make the stakes plain. The Pasadena NAACP chapter reports a 75 percent voter turnout rate among its membership.

“It’s not about visibility alone — it’s about value,” Lamar said. “And right now, many Black voters are still waiting to see that their priorities are being taken seriously. Campaigns owe us more than symbolic outreach. They owe us presence, partnership, and policy that reflects our lived experiences.”

‘Not an afterthought’

Congresswoman Lateefah Simon, who represents the East Bay in Congress, put the stakes in stark terms.

“California is home to one of the largest Black populations in the country, and yet cycle after cycle, Democrats spend millions on everything but Black-owned media, Black-owned consultants, or Black-owned small businesses and partnerships,” Rep. Simon said. “Black Californians have been raising the alarm for decades, and we’ve made progress. But I hope we continue to increase how we politically organize, involve, and energize around Black communities so that we’re not an afterthought.”

With ballots arriving in mailboxes next week, the window is closing.

“If candidates are serious about earning our support, they need to invest in Black-owned media, show up in our neighborhoods, and speak directly to the issues impacting our lives, not just spend millions on broad messaging that never truly reaches us,” Lamar said.

Black leaders have delivered their message clearly. The question now is whether any campaign is listening.

Mail ballots begin arriving May 4. The last day to register is May 18. Election Day is June 2.

Larry Lee is the President and Publisher of the Sacramento-based Observer Media Group. This op-ed is republished with permission.

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The simultaneous demolition of radiation contaminated buildings at the Hunters Point Superfund Site and the Islais Creek Bridge threatens to transform Bayview Hunters Point into ‘LITTLE GAZA!’

by Ahimsa Porter Sumchai MD, aka Politico MD

The Islais Creek Bridge Project proposes to demolish and replace the historic Levon Hagop Nishkian Bridge (locally known as the “silver bridge”) that carries Third Street across the Islais Creek channel in San Francisco’s Bayview Hunters Point. The existing bridge was designed in 1945 by structural engineer Leon Hagop Nishkian and named after his grandson, Levon. Described as a side double leaf bascule with three girder lines, two on the edges and one in the center, the Islais Creek Bridge features futuristic metal covers that provide both protection and decoration. [See https://historicbridges.org/bridges/browser/?bridgebrowser=california/3rd south/]

The replacement bridge would meet structural and seismic standards and be resilient to projected sea level rise to the year 2100. Project construction is expected to take up to two years. There would be no public access for vehicles, light rail or pedestrian traffic once the bridge is closed to the public. Light rail operations will shut down up to 19 months after the bridge closes. 

Many Bayview Hunters Point neighbors accept the need to replace the structurally deteriorating and eroding drawbridge. However, most residents have no idea the City is planning to demolish the seismically unstable bridge this year and that the total duration of the project is estimated to be 30 months.

At a Town Hall meeting hosted by congressional candidate Saikat Chakrabarti in January, the cumulative impacts of the proposed demolition of the Islais Creek Bridge on a timeline simultaneous with the proposed demolition of six radiologically impacted buildings at nearby Hunters Point was discussed. Saikat visited the Parcel G Demolition Zone in September of 2025 and later filmed a sternly worded video at Parcel G affirming as a policy statement he will not build houses on property “with radiation signs on it!”

The San Francisco Metropolitan Transportation Agency has proposed mitigation measures to address traffic impacts and to develop a community engagement and mobility strategy for residents and businesses impacted by the demolition and closure of the Islais Creek bridge. The Department of Public Works will construct the new bridge with new T-Third light rail tracks that SFMTA believes will ensure a more reliable and efficient transit line.

The ancient history of Islais Creek

The Ramaytush Ohlone cultivated the rich tidal wetlands of what became San Francisco’s largest watershed draining from Mount Davidson and Twin Peaks. The Yelamu tribe gave name to the Islais Creek wetlands that sustained them with an abundance of salmon, trout and edible fruit. The creek’s name, Islais, is derived from the native word for the hollyleaf wild cherry: Islay. 

The Indigenous American gathering site became a heavily polluted industrial channel by the early 20th century – filled with rubble and debris from the 1906 earthquake. It was called the “sewer-choked channel” when Islais Creek was encircled by meatpacking plants and slaughterhouses and came to be known as Butchertown during the 1860s.

Islais Creek Channel remains a tidal waterway emptying into San Francisco Bay. While Islais Creek is not listed on the National Priorities List as a Federal Superfund site, it has a long history of industrial contamination and federal enforcement actions. State regulators designated Islais Creek a “toxic hot spot” due to elevated levels of PCBs, heavy metals and bacteria.

Islais Creek sediment contains elevated concentrations of persistent pollutants like mercury, polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons and organochlorines. The proximity of Islais Creek to the northern piers of the Hunters Point Naval Shipyard federal Superfund site increases the likelihood of radiation contamination of the contiguous shoreline sediments.

Islais Creek acts as a culvert for sewage and storm water management causing heavy rain overflows that release and disperse chemicals hazardous to public health. In 2005, 40,000 gallons of diesel fuel leaked from a SFMTA facility into Islais Creek, leading to a Clean Water Act violation settlement.

In May 2024, EPA filed a complaint against the City and County of San Francisco for unauthorized discharges of billions of gallons of sewage into tributaries of the Bay. While not a Superfund site, the Islais Creek Bridge Rehabilitation Project received $90.8 million in federal grant funds.

Hunters Point Biomonitoring Foundation Board of Directors unanimously adopts four-point platform resident protection measures on March 18, 2026

1.Measure 1 in HP Biomonitoring’s Four Point Platform for Resident and Worker Safety and Resident Protective Measures is the build out of the SF Shipyard Neighborhood Watch to include photo and video documentation of demolition activities that endanger community safety. HP Biomonitoring proposes NAVFAC install one or more 24/7 live cams overlooking the Demolition Zone for Phase I and Phase II Building Demolitions. HP Biomonitoring invites neighboring businesses and residents to install live cams on properties facing the eastern shoreline of HPNS. Historical precedent for construction site monitoring in Bayview Hunters Point is memorialized in the naming of Youngblood Coleman Playground. Rubin Youngblood and Wardell Coleman were 10 years old who died when a dirt wall collapsed on them while playing at a negligently maintained housing construction site in 1974.

2. Fence line fortifications as required by the Draft Final Remedial Action Work Plan for the Parcel G Building Demolition are called for in Measure 2. The Federal Superfund site has historically lacked basic fence line fortifications, signage and public notifications of exposure to chemicals proven to cause cancer and reproductive harm — as required by State of California Proposition 65. 

3. Measure 3 requires the community-led creation of a Community Notification Plan (CNP) modeled after the CNP developed by the Hunters Point Shipyard Restoration Advisory Board in the aftermath of the August 2000 Parcel E-2 landfill fire. The CNP was demanded by community leaders following attempts by the Navy to conceal a chemical fire that erupted in clear view of Hunters Point hilltop residents and shipyard workers. On June 7, 2001, EPA announced a $25,000 penalty against the Navy for the two week delay in notifying the community and lead regulators of the landfill fire that erupted on the southern border of the base. The failure in notification violated the Federal Facilities Agreement (FFA). The Navy violated the FFA in October 2024 when it failed to notify regulators and the public that airborne Pu-239 was detected by air monitors downstream from a Radiation Staging Yard operated by the Navy on Parcel C — next door to the Parcel G Demolition Zone.

4. Measure 4 is a Temporary Emergency Relocation Plan — TERP — created to offer provisions for urgent relocation to residents with documented injuries, associated illness and/or property damage due to demolition activities. The TERP includes community education about the right to file a Federal Tort Claim within a year of injury, illness or property damage using SF95.

SF Bay View Health and Environmental Science Editor Ahimsa Porter Sumchai, MD, PD, founder and principal investigator for the Hunters Point Community Biomonitoring Program, founding chair of the Hunters Point Naval Shipyard Restoration Advisory Board’s Radiological Subcommittee and contributor to the 2005 Draft Historical Radiological Assessment, can be reached at AhimsaPorterSumchaiMD@Comcast.net. Dr. Sumchai is medical director of Golden State MD Health & Wellness, a UCSF and Stanford trained author and researcher, and a member of the UCSF Medical Alumni Association Board of Directors.

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