FeedBurner makes it easy to receive content updates in My Yahoo!, Newsgator, Bloglines, and other news readers.
A message from this feed's publisher:This is one of the news feeds from Eldis. You can also choose to receive the content of this feed as an email message. Or we can supply you with HTML code to add the feed to your own website. Visit http://www.eldis.org/go/newsfeeds for more information, or contact us at email@example.com
This paper focuses on two important developments in the international economic environment facing the Philippines: openness, integration and globalisation and the rise of China and Asia Pacific. The paper highlights that the Philippines is in the midst of a region where its neighboring countries are on their way to greater economic openness and deeper economic integration. The country has followed suit and is in fact a member of various international trade organisations.
The government of the Philippines has implemented substantial trade and investment policy reforms during the last two decades following a th ree-track approach involving unilateral, regional and multilateral modalities towards freer trade and investment. The reforms resulted to improvements in domestic resource allocation, increased productivity, increased competitiveness of manufacturing industries, expansion of exports and the increased integration of the country in th e global market. Yet the growth of the industry sector, particularly manufacturing, has not been as robust as many had expected, leading some sectors to question the reforms. This requires some hard thinking but at the same time pose a great challenge to policymakers. The experience of the country during th e past two decades shows that getting the most out of international trade is not just a matter of shift away from exports of primary commodities to exports of manufactures .
This paper argues that the effect of international trade on the country’s economic growth depends largely on how much of that trade is linked to the domestic economic activity. In effect, the fundamental policy issue for the government is not one of more or less trade liberalization, but how best to extract from the country’s partic ipation in the global trading system the elements that will promote economic development, especially now that the global trading environment is becoming much more complex than what it was two decades ago. This paper addresses this issue, including the opportunities as well as the challenges that lie ahead for the country under the emerging more complex global trading environment.
The arrival of globalization has brought about a lot of challenges for nations to meet. This paper takes a look at the capability of the Philippine state to cope with the demands of globalization. It documents the rules, laws, regulations, institutions and agencies that underlie the administrative capacity of the Philippines to promote trade and investments, and thereby achieve economic growth. A review and analysis of Philippine practices and experience is undertaken to determine the state’s readiness for globalization.
The study will cover three aspects of state capacity that contribute to the promotion of trade and investments:
Finally the paper recommends areas wherein the Philippine government must focus on based on the three aspects as well as suggests follow up in-depth studies on issues covering: capacity to promote healthy competition; regulatory framework and capacity; capacity to develop industries, sectors, and regions; policies for social development, redistributive justice, and poverty reduction; policies to promote performance, productivity, and competitiveness; and policies to protect the environment.
This study confines on the relevance of Islamic economy to global trade, investment and industry in Muslim Filipino areas. It is useful, valuable and a reference material in the formulation of economic policies, plan and strategies. Islam encourages legitimate economic activities. It condemns usury, hoarding, business monopoly and speculative business and believes in free trade. Its basic principles (truthfulness, honesty, and justice) and other significant elements are acceptable to the Muslims and adoptable in the Philippine setting. It is suggested that orientation programs on the global business be conducted in the Muslim areas. Capital must be available to Muslim businessmen by way of responsive financial institution. Communication, transportation and tourism facilities be provided and improved. Accreditation of Islamic organization to examine goods and commodities in accordance with Islam. Peace and order must be maintained. Establishment of Islamic pawnshops.
In recognition of their substantial contribution to the economy both in terms of number of enterprises and workers, the Philippine government has put in place a number of policies and programs designed specifically to boost SME productivity and competitiveness in the country. However, the performance of SMEs in the last decade has not been vigorous enough to boost the Philippine manufacturing industry. As such, the deepening of high technology industries in terms of the creation of backward linkages has remained weak. While the country’s exports of high technology products have grown rapidly, the value added of these exports is very low due to the limited links of large domestic and foreign companies to the domestic economy. Rapid changes in the international trade and the growing complexity of global production system, pose a significant challenge to Filipino SMEs.
This paper reviews existing government SME policies as well as recent developments in the manufacturing sector, within the context of the emerging global production network. The paper draws on the findings of a survey interview of SMEs in the automotive, electronics, and garments sectors. The paper highlights the importance of creating a separate government office that would coordinate SME policies and programs to support the integration of SMEs in the global production chain.
The industry’s lack of competitiveness, absence of economies of scale and a weak supply base are the fundamental issues that must be addressed in order to strengthen the industry and integrate it with regional production networks of foreign automakers. The entry of cheap, smuggled second-hand vehicles has put tremendous pressure on the industry. Immediate government action to address smuggling and design a coherent set of policies and a comprehensive strategy to improve industry competitiveness is urgently needed. A temporary adjustment program is necessary to help both assemblers and parts makers face competition in the future and more importantly, in preparation for the implementation of zero tariffs under the AFTA in 2010. If smuggling continues and our competitiveness remains weak, the auto industry may just be a thing of the past as auto companies shift from CKD to CBU operations. This is the reality of doing business under the globalisation age.
The Common Effective Preferential Tariff (CEPT) scheme represents the main mechanism to remove barriers to intra-ASEAN trade. Its adoption will entail intraregional tariffs ranging from zero to five percent. AFTA and the increasing globalization (which occurs through trade and foreign direct investment) of the automotive industry poses both risks and opportunities for us. The opportunities would come from the effects of a bigger market and liberalization combined with the cost advantages that firms in the country may offer. However, some sectors fear that the AFTA-CEPT plan would precipitate the industry's total demise as domestic firms would not be able to compete in a more liberalized environment.
This paper traces the government policies that have shaped the development of the Philippine automotive industry. It assesses the performance and industry structure that evolved in response to the changing government policies. It also examines the strategies of firms in anticipation of the liberalized environment brought about by AFTA 2003.
Globalization and the rapid development of information and communication technology have resulted to the deepened economic interdependence of nations and regions around the world. Markets are opened allowing producers to penetrate more markets and consumers to have greater choices. The new competitive setting requires greater competitiveness so that each nation can participate in and benefit from globalization.
The paper examines the policies pursued by the Philippines in response to the increasing economic integration and interdependence of nations and regions around the world, focusing in particular on the country’s multi-track approach to trade and investment liberalization. The country’s experience points to the importance of domestic policies that foster domestic efficiency and competitiveness before one can participate in regional integration and face global competition. The country first pursued trade and investment liberalization policies in the 1980s and 1990s to eliminate the inefficiency of domestic industries arising from its past protectionist regime. The unilateral liberation efforts resulted to a better allocation of resources and improvement in the overall competitiveness of domestic industries. The improved competitiveness enabled the country to participate in the 1990s in regional trading arrangements, AFTA and APEC, and in the much bigger WTO.
The challenge facing the country now is how to deepen and expand its participation in regional integration as the proliferation of regional trading arrangements has brought forth many new competitors for the country, both for its export markets and sources of foreign direct investment. Areas where further reforms are necessary are identified to enable the country to realize the full gains from economic integration
The majority of the world’s poor, by income and multi-dimensional poverty measures, live in countries classified by the World Bank as middle-income countries. Such patterns matter beyond the
thresholds of low-income countries and middle-income countries (LICs/MICs) set by the World Bank, because they reflect a pattern of rising average incomes and although the thresholds do not mean a sudden change in countries when a line is crossed in per capita income, substantially higher levels of average per capita income imply substantially more domestic resources available for poverty reduction.
This paper asks the following question: does the shift in global poverty towards middle-income countries (MICs) mean that global poverty is becoming a matter of national inequality? This paper argues that many of the world’s extreme poor already live in countries where the total cost of ending extreme poverty is not prohibitively high as a percentage of GDP. And in the not-too-distant future, most of the world’s poor will live in countries that do have the domestic financial scope to end at least extreme poverty and, in time, moderate poverty. This will likely pave the way for addressing poverty reduction as primarily a domestic issue rather than primarily an aid and international issue; and thus a (re)framing of poverty as a matter of national distribution and national social contracts and political settlements between elites, middle classes and the poor.
With the support of the labour geography framework, this study tries to analyse how the economic geography of capitalism is shaped by the spatial practices of labour. We look into a model, not upon a global scale but at a very local scale of organisation and show how organising locally can, in fact, be an effective strategy during confrontation with social actors organised at the global and other extra-local scales. The study raises the need for going against the grain by questioning global stereotypes with regard to expected economic responses to globalisation.
This paper argues that labour has been actively involved in the very process of globalisation itself and the expansion of capital in general. In this paper I take up this particular thread of argument and empirically show how it is important and relevant in the globalisation literature. I deal specifically with one region – Kerala – and particularly the processes in its labour markets, taking the case of apparel workers in two units in an export promoting industrial park in Kerala.
The underlying assumption of the economic integration epitomised by
globalisation was that it would lead to greater economic participation and an enhancement of livelihood opportunities, which in turn would have positive impacts on citizens and their practice of citizenship. This integration would open new spaces and create new mechanisms for interaction between various actors in governance processes.
Economic participation in the global economy manifests in two principal ways: the export of local products for global marketing through multinational corporations (MNCs), or the local marketing of goods that are globally produced by MNCs. Both models have the potential to increase livelihood
opportunities for the poor and those hitherto excluded from the market. If the second model is followed, what avenues for market integration might create more sustainable livelihoods for rural women? Can this model provide a sustainable source of income for such women? As rural women are integrated into global markets, what are the implications for their identities? Do they see themselves as an integral part of the global marketplace, with important links to the global economy? Or do they continue to maintain local, regional or maybe national identities? When these women claim rights, to whom do they turn? Do they ask governments to mediate on their behalf? Do they consider the medium of their integration, the MNCs, as their obligator? What kinds of organising efforts evolve for such claim-making purposes?
This paper examines Project Shakti, an initiative promoted jointly by the
government of India and Hindustan Unilever Limited (HUL), the Indian division of Unilever, a large multinational corporation. It looks at the ways in which changing patterns of power and governance affect the meaning, experiences and practices of citizenship in a globalising world.
This study has brought to light some of the broad dimensions of the problems created by the global recession on Kerala emigrants – the number of emigrants who became unemployed, the number who lost
jobs abroad, the number who were forced to return to Kerala, the countries in which the returnees had been working, the districts they hailed from, the sector of economic activity they were engaged in before the recession, and their demographic and socio-economic characteristics.
The study also gives a rough estimate of the number of households that
received smaller amounts as household cash remittances in 2009
compared to what they received in 2008; and the number of households
that received remittances in 2008, but not in 2009.
Groups that deserve special consideration in combating the adverse impact of the recession:
Globalisation is not a new and recent phenomenon. Globalisation started right way at the beginning of the history of mankind, as soon as people began to communicate and trade with each other, to visit land beyond the horizon of their own livelihoods and to migrate to areas that promised better chances for survival and economic progress. So, globalisation is of all times. However, it got new dimensions in the first half of the previous century.
Politics did not steer development, growth, welfare, poverty reduction or the protection of the environment. Politics followed the market and aimed at improving the workings of market mechanism by creating a level playing field for market forces, ensuring the world wide mobility of information, technology, capital, money and goods. Technological breakthroughs had given a major boost to worldwide information and communication. For the first time in world history the world economy became a true world market. Transnational financial and economic corporations became bigger and bigger, entered into mergers and became conglomerates with activities in many different economic sectors, whereby also the distinction between the financial sector and the real economy became less significant. Decisions concerning investment, production, marketing and trade in the real economy were taken in the same circles which decided about money and finance, buying and selling shares and companies, transferring short term and long term capital all around the globe, taking risks and assessing these risks.
So, globalisation got a new face again. In the 1990s the framework of the United Nations, in the Bretton Woods institutions and WTO was discussed. The negotiations resulted in a further facilitation of globalisation. The aim was to create a worldwide level playing field for production, finance, insurance, trade and capital movements. The world market should work as efficiently as possible.
This discussion paper argues that economic globalisation in its current form is a ‘centralising juggernaut’ which often causes large-scale resource depletion in remote eco-systems, unpredictable price variations in essential commodities and lead to macroeconomic upheaval. It argues that together with the potential of widespread impacts of climate change, the vulnerability of human settlements and the resource poor who live there are at increased risk. The paper argues that localisation appears to be the most systemic response mechanism – the manifestation of a decentralised, democratised economy that allows communities to develop ecosystems based Climate Resilient Economies.
In 2013, a multi-country research effort was initiated to ensure that girls’ voices would guide the global development agenda. Implemented by the research firm 2CV, in close collaboration with local research partners and NGOs, the goal of the Post-2015 Adolescent Girl Consultations was to create a platform for girls to voice their unique insights, opinions and ideas. More than five hundred girls, ages 10–19, representing the poorest and most vulnerable of their communities, participated in consultation groups spread through fourteen countries. In the form of interactive workshops, these girls shared their greatest challenges and hopes, and informed the world’s decision makers what should be done differently. Their diverse voices have been summarised into ten themes, which are categorised into three overarching categories in this report: identity; environment; assets and opportunities.
Of all topics raised, the girls discussed the importance of education most frequently and passionately. Girls spoke about education as a channel for accessing opportunities, although they still faced many obstacles to accessing and completing a quality education. They also discussed frustrations with the quality of their own education. Girls of all ages in every country expressed the desire for more education, explaining that it extends their childhoods, protects them from harm and gives them an opportunity to develop the skills and assets to be productive and empowered adults and citizens.
The report shows that there is an urgent need for legal and policy standards that are explicitly designed to respond to girls’ unique needs and vulnerabilities, while investing in campaigns and programmes to change harmful gender norms. Girls’ environments must be made safer, healthier and more supportive. Furthermore, girls have knowledge and ideas that can transform their environments, if they are provided with the space, support and resources to share and implement them.
Finally, the Girl Declaration is presented, consolidating input from two parallel efforts: the Post-2015 Adolescent Girl Consultations, and a Technical Working Group composed of experts and advocates from a range of disciplines and institutions. The Girl Declaration—written with girls, for girls—prioritises adolescent girls’ voices and needs, and is intended to directly inform preparation of the post-2015 development agenda. The declaration includes guiding principles—along with recommended goals and measurable targets—to give decision-makers and global leaders critical input to help guide action and investment, in order to maximise impact on the lives of girls in poverty. The goals in the Girl Declaration include education, health, safety, economic security, and citizenship.
[adapted from author]
There are fears that globalisation is creating increased gender inequalities worldwide. This article appraises globalisation and its effects (positive and negative) on gender equality and rights in Nigeria. The authors remind us that the deep-rooted gender inequality in Nigeria and other Sub-Saharan African countries was not brought on by globalisation. However, they posit that the situation of Nigeria’s women is progressively deteriorating due to globalisation.
Structural adjustment and the opening up of the Nigerian economy have resulted in particularly harsh effects on women, which the authors underline by showing that the overwhelming majority of poor people in Nigeria are women. The authors also show that built into globalisation are many biases that further cause gender inequality.
There are positive effects on women, however, such as increased freedom and frequency of migration, diversification of women’s interests, and a new globalised attention to the situation of women in countries like Nigeria. The authors make several recommendations to ensure that the positives outweigh the negative effects of globalisation, including the following: better research, better monitoring of women’s rights and law enforcement, and improvements in education.
Throughout the history of the Indian Ocean, littoral, island and extra-regional states have vied to secure their trade routes, which in turn affects Africa. By reviewing the stakeholders’ dynamics in the Indian Ocean, the implications and challenges for Africa can be analysed.
This stakeholder review analyses the attributes and constituency of the Indian Ocean, develops a common position for definitions and gives a select history of the world’s third-largest ocean. Countries that have historically frequented the Indian Ocean continue to do so, but the intensity of their activities has increased, as their objectives centre on the common denominator of ensuring energy security and advancing maritime trade. These issues are critical not only for their survival in a world of diminishing resources and increased globalised competition, but also for emerging countries’ economies to continue to grow exponentially.
In contrast to the Indian Ocean’s increased dynamics, continental Africa’s position appears to be characterised by a passive approach. This inert position does not allow Africa to set the agenda for events that are changing the dynamics in its zone of influence, yet for which there are normative developmental imperatives. It is critical that Africa change its attitude and determines its own schedule for maritime development. Africa needs to manage these challenges pro-actively at various levels – continentally, regionally and bilaterally. By partnering with those powers that affect the forces in the Indian Ocean, Africa can be more in charge of its destiny.
The rise of economically influential countries from the developing world is still a relatively new area of research, which is receiving increasing focus from international business actors, foreign policymakers and international relations scholars.
Countries such as Brazil, China, India, Turkey, Indonesia, Vietnam and the re-emerging Russia are remapping the geography of economic power. However, it is still uncertain whether these countries have sufficient political weight and policy traction to change the structure of power in multilateral processes.
Emerging powers are asserting their influence in various multilateral institutions and seeking to amplify their unified voice on critical global policy issues. Some, notably Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS), have gone a step further and formed a bloc to institutionalise their growing influence and augment their bargaining capacity. This paper examines the extent to which this new phenomenon of rising powers is reshaping the global order today. It looks at how emerging powers are positioning themselves in relation to the system of global governance, the ideas they articulate, and the extent to which their rise constitutes a counter-narrative to that which is presented by the West.
The paper considers whether the rise of emerging powers signals the decline of the West, and suggests that claims about this decline are exaggerated. Research and indices developed by various international organisations are reviewed to underline several institutional weaknesses, which should be taken into account when building relations with the BRIC countries in particular, and emerging powers in general. Finally, South Africa’s place in the context of these global transformations is discussed.
A catchy new acronym is gaining traction and points to the next big opportunity in emerging markets. Four emerging markets - Mexico, Indonesia, Nigeria, and Turkey - make up the MINT economies. Like BRIC before them, these four are expected to outpace the developed world over coming years.
Like BRIC, MINT is the creation of former Goldman Sachs Asset Management Chairman Jim O'Neill. Originally, MINT was MIST; O'Neill dropped South Korea in favour of Nigeria in October 2013. This briefing introduces the new acronym.
Globalization is a double-edged sword for human rights, pushing people out of place while giving them a global voice to protest their plight, slicing some traditional bonds while weaving new ones (Brysk ed. 2002). While globalization liberates some from traditional economies and cultures, the worst victims of globalization are usually those whose domestic disempowerment makes them vulnerable to new forms of transnational. Exploitation – all too often, women and children. The emerging international human rights regime, crafted to restrain inter-state abuses like war crimes and governments’ abuse of their own citizens, is challenged to cope with “private wrongs” in which non-state authorities violate vulnerable “people out of place.” (Brysk 2005, Brysk and Shafir 2004) For problems like human trafficking, the best response to this new threat to human rights is to harness the information politics and global civil society dimensions of globalization against the economic displacement and weakening of state protection it generates. But since human rights campaigns operate by “framing and shaming,” the rhetoric of monitoring, scholarship, and advocacy both enables and constrains an effective response. (Brysk 2009)
The problem of human trafficking is one of the best cases of gaining significant international response by framing a complex human rights issue that affects an especially powerless population in simple and powerful rhetoric. It is an issue that literally provides poster children; archetypal innocent victims evoking humanitarian protection. Moreover, attention and policy increased vastly when advocates linked the growing problem to the well-established, powerful frame of slavery. Framing was slightly slowed because trafficking is perpetrated predominantly by non-state actors, but the malefactors are usually identifiable and the causal chain is not complex. Although there are a variety of perpetrators, framing as sex slavery concentrated attention on pariah criminal networks rather than complicit kin. Similarly, the solution component of the frame was sufficient because while leverage over non-state perpetrators is more limited than freeing political prisoners held by a government, states do have a responsibility and theoretical capacity to protect the victims, and are charged with negligence rather than covert sponsorship. Finally, the sex slavery frame provides a match with an unusual coalition of relatively well-positioned transnational religious, feminist, and human rights organizations, bypassing the relatively weaker advocates for other kinds of migrants. But the cost of this effective frame has been to selectively emphasize those aspects of the problem that fit – coercive cross border sexual exploitation of children and chaste women – diminishing attention and response to other affected populations and interrelated abuses and root causes.
Governments in a number of countries are trying to address concerns about land grabbing by closing their borders to foreign investors. Are these restrictions effective?
Not really, says GRAIN. They give the impression that something is being done at the highest level and appeal to nationalist or pro-sovereignty sentiments. But they are very narrow approaches to a complex problem and often full of back doors and loopholes.