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The documents recommendations include:
The report finds that:
Following the fall of the Taliban in 2001, Japan was amongst many high profile international donors that rushed to support initiatives to build a new and lasting peace in Afghanistan. But three and a half years on, the peace-building process continues to be hampered by a chronic lack of security. As drug- trafficking, kidnapping and robbery continue to flourish, it is apparent that the international community must rejuvenate its support for the reform of the security sector in Afghanistan.
The report identifies two fundamental problems underlying the DDR Program:
The report identifies seven specific policy recommendations, calling on international donors and DDR policy-makers to re-evaluate their approach in a more nuanced and thorough perspective for the looming Disarmament of Illegally Armed Groups (DIAG) Programme.
[adapted from author]
To compare implementation strategies in the military that integrate reproductive and sexual health and gender issues, UNFPA established a conceptual framework to review the nature of the partnership; the extent and quality of reproductive health services and information, including for HIV/AIDS prevention; and gender mainstreaming. Country experiences are from: Benin, Botswana, Madagascar and Namibia in Africa; Ecuador, Nicaragua and Paraguay in Latin America; Mongolia in Asia; and Ukraine in Eastern Europe. The case studies focused on institutional changes, rather than actual impact on epidemiology and behaviour. They sought to identify the range of implementation approaches used so far, their commonalities and differences. A common query was: What is working and needs to be continued or expanded? What is not working and needs a new more strategic approach? And finally, what has not been addressed at all?
Main lessons learned include:
Recommendations for next steps include:
This study attempts to analyse how well reintegration initiatives by government and non-governmental organisations have worked and to assess the current situations of former combatants. It presents the results of a survey of 410 former combatants and of interviews with the representatives of organisations and networks that support them.
Its findings include that:
The article concludes with a list of recommendations, including:
Main conclusions of the study include:
The aim of the symposium was to create a dialogue between different civil society actors and governmental representatives to explore ways of using networks to develop and respond to the wider peace and security agenda.
The key debates and discussions focused on the following areas:
Some main conclusions include:
The report specifically focuses on the lessons learned and challenges ahead in Norway’s peace building policies, including:
The report shows some of the ways in which conflict affects women, and the many different roles which women play in conflict. Women are not only victims and survivors, but also activists, negotiators, peace-builders and human rights defenders. It states that attempts to address the human rights consequences of conflict, including its particular effects on women, can only be comprehensive and long-lasting if women play an active part in rebuilding society at all levels. The report calls for the international community, governments and other parties to armed conflicts to act without delay in order to:
The spatiotemporal dataset represents each conflict with a coordinate, a radius for its extension as well as begin and end year for when the conflict was active. Two basic exploration methods are available in the software: multiple linked windows (brushing) and animation. Ongoing work detailed in the paper incorporates visualisation of other datasets recognised as affecting the risk, duration, type and location of armed conflicts.
The author notes that datasets on armed conflicts as well as datasets on conflict generating factors, have both a temporal and spatial dimension. The author argues that it is important the visualisation tool takes into account both time and space components.
The paper first looks at the types of regional security arrangements in Asia – ASEAN and the ARF – and examines their institutional capacities, types of norms and informal processes and the availability of resources in the management of conflict. The paper then assesses how these two organisations have fared in addressing security challenges in Asia, and in particular, what the ASEAN and ARF responses on the East Timor crisis were.
The paper argues that while peace operations in the region are mostly limited to conflict prevention, as exemplified by the types of mechanisms found in ASEAN and the ARF, these mechanisms have made modest yet valuable contributions towards regional stability. The paper also argues though that the changing nature of the strategic environment required a more pro-active engagement of ASEAN and the ARF which would involve reviewing and/or changing existing conflict prevention mechanisms to be more responsive to current challenges.
The paper concludes by exploring the future role of the ASEAN and ARF in two ways. The first is to enhance the cooperation between the United Nations and ASEAN and the ARF by building on their institutional strengths. The second is to enhance cooperation by improving the institutional capabilities of the ASEAN and the ARF, as well as by learning from the experiences of other organisations.
Enhancing cooperation by building on institutional strengths consists of the following key features:
Enhancing cooperation by improving institutional capabilities of ASEAN and the ARF consist of the following key features:
The paper highlights three main strengths of the PWG model. Firstly, the model offers an approach which goes beyond statistics and provides a way forward in evaluating trauma. It also aims to help communities respond to changing circumstances, rather than imposing the idea of a "normal" state to which communities must return after traumatic events. Lastly, the model acknowledges that programmatic interventions derive from the interaction between affected communities and the external aid community, and that this can bring a conflict of values. The paper recommends future research and development to build on the theoretical model and create practical tools and training materials.
This paper focuses on China’s plans for hydropower development on its portion of the upper Mekong basin (Lancang Jiang) and their ecological, political and economic implications for the five other countries dependent on the Mekong river.
The paper looks at China’s role in developments in the Mekong basis, a subject of vital importance. It considers the key regional implications of China’s hydropower development projects, focussing on the range of possible impacts. The paper also investigates the prevailing regional approaches to developing and managing the Lancang/Mekong river basin, and the extent to which China and the other states have consulted or cooperated to tackle current and potential problem. The paper also assesses whether securitising China’s resource development on the upper Mekong can help in addressing regional security implications.
The main argument of the paper is that economic imperative prevails among all the states sharing the Mekong river, and that China and other countries tend to confine their cooperation to infrastructural development rather than consultation or management of potential adverse trans-boundary impacts of upstream development. The paper also argues that "securitising" this upstream-downstream problem is not the answer; rather, the way forward has to involve first a reconceptualising of regional security in terms of comprehensive human and economic security.
The paper concludes by noting that ecological problems such as the sharing of the Mekong resources necessitate a positive-sum approach, as opposed to the zero-sum results derived from traditional security measures whereby one objective is gained at the expense of another. Given this understanding, the paper explores three suggestions on how this issue may be conceptualised:
The aims of the conferences were to assess the threats and challenges facing countries currently, and to propose changes needed to strengthen the rule of law.
The report focuses on six main issues: rethinking the international system; legitimacy and the use of force; halting future genocides; the poverty-security link; the scourge of small arms; and how to maximise the high-level panel’s impact.
The findings of the conferences are divided into three major areas: threats and challenges, institutional change, and maximizing the panel’s impact.
Threats and Challenges: participants explored policy issues associated with four major threats and challenges to international peace and security: the use of force, states under stress, weapons of mass destruction (WMD), and terrorism. Recommendations include:
Institutional Change: a new or repurposed forum was recommended to address the current and future economic and social agenda. Suggestions include:
Maximising the panel’s impact:
The author argues that the analysis of conflict and relevant geo-referenced variables such as population distribution, ethnic composition, natural resource deposits, and terrain contributes to understanding of why conflicts occur and how they evolve.
Furthermore, the author argues that knowledge on how such factors affect the likelihood and characteristics of armed conflict, in combination with more traditional variables including regime type and level of economic development, may be used to develop interactive models that can predict future areas with increased risk of conflict.
However, the author highlights that there are still obstacles that have to be conquered before the location data are ready for systematic examination. The most imperative of these is the lack of geographic information systems maps for most of the temporal span of the conflict data.
The author concludes that conflict location data should not be viewed as a replacement of established conflict datasets and traditional analytical methods, but rather a supplement designed particularly for accounting for the spatial dimension of armed conflicts.
The author discusses the perceived link between global natural resources distribution and armed conflict. The author argues that current measures of natural resources are aggregated to country level, and recent empirical research on conflict has not accounted for the location of the natural resources in relation to the conflict area.
The paper describes the data requirements, compilation procedures, and the limitations and challenges associated with such a database. The paper provides the example of tantalum deposits and conflict regions in Africa to illustrate the use and interpretation of data.
Finally, future objectives for the compilation of global information and data analysis are discussed by the author.
Highlights of the conference dialogue include:
Main recommendations that could be adopted to combat the threats posed by non-state actors and on the roles that the United Nations should play include:
The consultation is an initial step in a process of dialogue and learning across professional and institutional boundaries, disciplines, contexts, cultures and geographic regions with regard to the factors that contribute to children’s vulnerability, resilience and coping. This background paper explores some of the issues and questions to be addressed in the consultation.
Major findings and issues include the following:
Conclusions include the following:
The report relates the evolution of UNICEF over the past 50 years, highlighting how it developed to take on a much broader role than when it was first created, reflecting the growing emphasis on children in the development agenda. It gives examples of what has been achieved in various parts of the world in terms of education and health care but also calls for action in its "anti-war agenda" as violent conflict remains the biggest plight for children across the world.
In terms of education and health care, the document reports the following findings:
If there has been great progress in the socio-economic status of certain children in the world, UNICEF warns us not to forget the enormity of what remains to be done, especially for those in very precarious situations. It recommends the following:
The authors make a number of specific suggestions on each one of these themes, including:
The paper argues that SSR sequencing strategies can be better guided by macro-level strategic policy, which also helps develop more local integration. It is vital that national security strategies are in line with a country’s national interest, core values and culture.
The main challenge that the countries face is resource shortage. The two aspects of this are: when donor countries focus only on training without committing the requisite amount of funding to investment, equipment and infrastructure; and the lack of funding channelled towards the longer-term existence of civil society organisations.
Civil society and other government departments must work with the judicial and intelligence sectors to ensure transparency and accountability amongst all security agencies.
The articles included are:
The first two sections of the review look into more detail at physical and geographic factors and the impact of migration, conflict and other complex emergencies. The next two sections concentrate on drug treatment and resistance and development policies. Various issues within health care are then analysed, including current policies, access to and quality of care, and health sector reforms. The document concludes by making various recommendations on how to reduce vulnerability and improve resilience to the three diseases.
The first sections of the book focus on environmental and institutional issues and find that:
On the premise that vulnerability to all three diseases should be addressed simultaneously, the review recommends the following:
[the original version of this document is longer available from the publisher. This summary links to an alternative provider]
Please note: To read this article, you will first need to register with The Lancet. This process and access to the article is free of charge.
Drawing on existing and emerging lessons of experience from different countries, the report highlights key issues for policy, practice and advocacy concerning child soldiers. These include: commitment to child protection by the international community, the release of child soldiers, the importance of an integrated approach, commitment at the local level, alternatives to recruitment, the involvement of children in programmes and initiatives, and girls and children with disabilities. The report calls for further research into these key areas in order to build on current approaches. It also calls for closer working between governments and agencies to ensure that existing policies really work for children.
The paper aims to suggest alternative or combined strategies on return and reconstruction, outlining guiding principles for working in complex environment with refugees and Internally Displaced Peoples (IDPs).
Some of the main findings from the research and recommendations include:
This article outlines the mandate implemented by the TRC and considers briefly how this led to the particular and different orientations to race in specific sites of inquiry in its work: namely the human rights violations statements; the amnesty hearings; the perspectives of political parties; the sector hearings; and its Final Report. This article also traces the location of the TRC in the period of political transition in South Africa, and illustrates how certain ideological, historical and political momentums, both local and international, steered the TRC in particular interpretive directions.
The paper finds that:
The author argues that at present, it appears that the more potent site of transition, the real language of change, is around race and the economy and the cultural legacy of racism. This has implications for the proposed pursuit of trials against perpetrators and the ongoing saga of reparations. The author notes that as South Africa grapples with social 'disorders' exacerbated by dire racialised poverty such as AIDS and crime, cases against antiquated killers and torturers hardly appear to merit the title 'Priority Crimes' given to the unit pursuing post-TRC cases.
The paper concludes by noting that while of particular import in the South African context, race and other categories of structural inequality are also present as critical features of a number of other conflicts that have attracted the attention of those concerned with transitional justice. Engaging the debate around structural violence is a pressing concern, both in South Africa and abroad.
This report sets out an historical overview of the taxi phenomenon during the period 1987-2000. It focuses on the development of the taxi industry and its associated violence in the late-apartheid era, up to the present day. Case material is drawn from an in-depth longitudinal study of taxi violence in the Cape Peninsula area, but the research findings reflect taxi violence more generally.
The paper finds that:
Beyond providing an historical overview of the genesis of, and reasons for, taxi violence, this report also details the latest developments in the government's ongoing attempt to curb taxi violence; namely its plans to restructure the industry in terms of a recapitalisation programme that envisages replacing the existing taxi fleet of 16-seater vehicles with new, yet-to-be manufactured 18- and 35-seater vehicles, and which discusses the potential impact of such developments in this volatile yet necessary sector. [adapted from author]
Save the Children UK conducted group discussions and in-depth interviews on the reintegration process with 211 girls and boys from the Kailahun district of Sierra Leone. Both ex-child soldiers and other separated children were included in the research. The report presents both the problems and successes of the children’s reintegration, and suggests ten principles for good practice which aim to overcome the challenges and build on the successes found from the research. The principles can be used in a range of contexts. They include:
[adapted from author]
The key findings of this report include:
The primary recommendations of the study include
The report provides an analysis of recruitment standards and practices in more than 180 countries, and identifies regional and global trends. It can be used as a tool for public education and advocacy to change national recruitment laws and practices.
Country reports specify information, where available, on: the Government, such as government national recruitment legislation and military training and schools; armed conflict groups; child recruitment; and disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR).
Regional overviews include:
The author argues against other work on ethnicity and growth that conclude ethnic diversity promotes violence and adversely affects public policy choices. Instead, the paper states that pacific cohabitation among ethnic groups in countries such as Cameroon, despite remarkable disparities of ethnic group prosperity, suggests that ethnicity is not the problem, but tribalism-politisation of ethnicity is.
The study shows that ethnicity has no effect on growth while rule of law strongly favours growth. The paper concludes that ethnic diversity can turn to be an advantage for Africa instead of being a curse, if rule of law and property rights are firmly established. [Adapted from author]
The report draws attention to the crisis of internal displacement, that remains one of the most pressing human rights and humanitarian challenges for the international community. Worldwide, the report notes, there are an estimated 25 million people who are unable to return to their homes after having been displaced within their own country by conflict, generalised violence or human rights violations. More than 50 countries are affected by this major human crisis, the report highlights.
The Appeal Report highlights the three main objectives of the Global Internally Displaced People Project, including:
The report also covers other topics, including, training and protection, advocacy and public information, funding requirements and the 2004 budget
This study explores the historical legacy of the Ethiopia-Eritrea border conflict to bring those issues into the forefront, which later on became major factors that led both states to war in 1998. It discusses the involvement of the international community and how it managed to bring the war to a halt in December 2000, by convincing the parties to accept international arbitration. The study also assesses the implications of the Ethiopian-Eritrean war, both internally and externally, in order to understand the border conflict over a 620-mile long disputed area between the two hostile states.
The paper identifies a number of regional conflicts which have intensified through Eritrean or Ethiopian involvement. The author argues that the Eritrean government has seemingly been more active in undermining the work and goals of the Ethiopian government through proxy wars, whereas the Ethiopian government has mostly been involved in capacity building and confidence building measures with its neighbours.
The paper concludes by noting that the path to peace in the Horn, beginning with a resolution of the Eritrea-Ethiopia border conflict, will be long and fraught with obstacles due to the intermeshed nature of a variety of localised conflicts. It is impossible to separate the current troubles facing Eritrea and Ethiopia from those in the neighbouring countries. Peace can be firmly anchored, if border demarcation and a parallel diplomatic process can move forward simultaneously, taking into account both the prevailing political compulsions of the warring parties and the humanitarian needs of the displaced populations.
For the two countries themselves, a prompt and permanent settlement will bring huge benefits. The author also argues that both the governments of Eritrea and Ethiopia will be able, instead, to combat famine and poverty that currently plague their peoples. Peace and security will bring them economic development, better harvests and more rational utilisation of resources.
The author develops a general set of characteristics common to most cases of reconstruction, while being cognizant of the large array of specific differences in each scenario. These include:
The author identifies some of the key elements to the reconstruction process in Rwanda, and some of the various instruments include:
One of the most successful elements of these policy instruments is the framework of the Gacaca system, the author argues. The aim of the Gacaca system is two-fold: to involve the community in establishing the truth, promoting reconciliation in the process; and to speed up trials and decongest the prisons. The author concludes that the Gacaca system holds untold potential for solving the problem of slow judicial practice and for creating significant benefits in terms of truth, reconciliation, and even community and individual empowerment. Communities turn out in great numbers to witness proceedings and are quite co-operative in participating as members of the general assembly. This process seems to represent a chance for communities to heal themselves by speaking openly and honestly about past demons.
The paper uses both positive and negative examples to illustrate the ongoing debates and challenges within the development-military relationship, which includes looking at the integration of military and development actors in Afghanistan.
The study concludes that development policy can have a fundamental and strategic interest in defining and shaping its interfaces with other policy fields. Interfaces and overlaps between development policy and the military have grown dramatically in recent months and years and are in part highly sensitive in nature. Four particularly sensitive areas are identified:
Strategic recommendations and policy options include:
[Adapted from author]
The report finds that:
The plan identifies various activities that must be carried out at the local, country, regional and international levels and the actors that will carry out this work.
It states that national governments ultimately have the primary responsibility for protecting children in their territory, and it is assumed that all governments are strongly encouraged to step in to prevent and remedy violations according to their national and international obligations.
Action Plan points include:
Chapters from this report emerged from the workshop’s discussions of analysis, institutional responses, integrated assessment and early warning systems. The authors outline the challenges and opportunities for all scholars and practitioners in the field, recommending transdisciplinary collaborations among the UN family, national governments, NGOs, research institutes and civil society.
The report includes a chapter on steps to improve research into environment, conflict and cooperation, in addition to recommendations for policy institutes.
The report also contains a chapter that identifies gaps at all levels (local, state, regional, international) that inhibit political responses and diminish the efficacy of programs. Institutional recommendations are proposed as to rectify this situation. In this context, the authors propose that a dialogue on best practices will help researchers and policymakers move beyond reacting to symptoms of environment and security linkages, towards learning from interventions that bolster confidence and cooperation rather than instability.
The final chapter discusses the early warning and assessment of environment, conflict, and cooperation. Authors assert that the international system has little capacity to monitor and assess conflict and cooperation on environmental issues, owing to a number of factors detailed in the final chapter.
The paper draws attention to the fact that the human rights situation has deteriorated sharply owing to the collapse of a ceasefire between the monarchy and Maoist rebels in August 2003. The paper highlights that since the conflict started in the mid-1990s, hundreds of thousands people have been uprooted across the country and many others have swollen the migration flows to India.
The paper claims that virtually all of Nepal's 75 districts are affected by the fighting which has claimed close to 10,000 lives in the past eight years. Landowners, teachers and other government employees have been specifically targeted by the rebels. Poorer sections of the population have also been affected, the paper claims, and have fled forced recruitment into Maoist forces, retaliation by security forces or the more general effects of war.
The paper highlights that while many UN agencies and international NGOs are present in Nepal providing development-oriented assistance, almost none gear their humanitarian relief or target their assistance towards IDPs.
The paper stresses the importance of the international community in a mediating role, to bring both parties back to the negotiating table. It claims that only a breakthrough in the peace process and a restoration of the democratic process will create conditions conducive to the return of the displaced.
Please note: this profile was updated in 2005.
The paper develops a classification scheme for minerals to be used in conflict research. The classification is based on the different aspects of resource exploitation from exploration to end markets. The scheme could also be used to assess how the type of natural resource affects economic growth.
However, the paper notes that one of the difficulties of applying the classification scheme is that many minerals occur in different deposit types, and thus the exploitation requires a different type and amount of technology, skilled labour and refining.
The paper also highlights another challenge in how to classify non-mineral natural resources such as agricultural and forest products. The paper recommends that the classification scheme may be adapted to these resources.
Since the election of President Olusegun Obasanjo in 1999 - which ended 15 years of military rule in Nigeria - at least 10,000 people have been killed and some 800,000 displaced by outbreaks of communal violence across the country.
According to government estimates, about 250,000 Nigerians remain displaced today – including up to 60,000 who fled their homes during the latest unrest in Plateau State in May 2004. Communal violence regularly displaces people across Nigeria, which with a population of over 120 million and some 250 ethnic groups.
The causes of communal violence in Nigeria have historical roots, with military regimes having kept the underlying tensions in check. However, with the re-introduction of democracy in 1999 new opportunities opened up for people to express their grievances and new areas of conflict were created by the competition for political spoils.
The paper notes that this has been reflected by the rise in communal violence summarised into five categories, namely, ethnic rivalry, religious violence, land conflicts, conflicts related to the demarcation of administrative boundaries, and conflicts linked to the oil-production in the Niger delta.
The paper highlights that human rights organisations have consistently accused the Nigerian security forces of failing to provide security during outbreaks of communal violence, and of using excessive force that has contributed to high death tolls.
The paper calls on government to do more to establish a safe and conducive environment for internally displaced person's (IDP) return. The paper also calls on the humanitarian community to support government efforts to promote IDP return by increasing community development activities and by improving local services that are equally accessible to all groups in society.
Much of the problem is couched in the inherent conceptualisation of the nation state, which seems to clash violently with the socio-cultural and historical evolution of Africa. After conducting a historical analysis of the evolution of the African state, the paper looks at the arguments that can be made in favour of reforming the state system and recognising new states.
The paper argues that the debate over reform of existing states and the recognition of new ones emerges from a fundamental weakness in Africa’s current state system: the arbitrary nature of its colonial borders. Further exacerbating this seemingly unmanageable system of borders is the former patronage of the Cold War superpowers, who often propped up unstable governments and helped suppress dissident voices.
The author proposes four tasks aimed at developing the capacity of the international community to assist in the formulation of sustainable responses to Africa’s problems:
The author concludes by arguing that the criterion for the creation of new states needs to be an exacting one in order to prevent a proliferation of weak states. On the other hand, maintaining the status quo may not advance development and conflict resolution either.
With the signing of the Memorandum of Understanding by UNITA and the Angolan government, the concept of "conflict diamonds" were no longer applicable, since the country’s diamond fields we ostensibly under state control. Did that event necessarily change the ways in which the diamond industry operated in Angola? This paper examines to what extent the modalities of diamond production established in a time of war continue to influence the conduct of the industry today.
The author conducts a brief historical overview of the evolution of the diamond industry in Angola, focusing on the way in which the Companhia de Diamantes de Angola (Diamang) has exploited labour and resources since 1919. The paper then develops a timeline of events through the civil wars, ending in 1997, and focuses on the impact of foreign intervention (of South Africa and the former Zaire). The way in which the diamond industry is currently operating is the next element of examination by the paper. In this section, the author highlights the well documented exploits of government and military officials, and the ways in which corrupt elements of the state apparatus have benefited from the exploitation of the diamond sector.
The paper finds that many conditions which prevent the creation of a stable and regulated environment continue to exist in Angola today. In particular, these conditions include:
The paper concludes that the concept of "blood diamonds" is one which has hitherto been associated with armed conflict. The lesson from Angola today is that a notional peace is no guarantee that the exploitation of diamond resources will be done in a way that respects basic human rights, and which contributes to the development and well-being of the diamond-producing region, and the country as a whole. The author suggests that perhaps it is time to re-think the idea of what constitutes a "blood diamond".
The main findings of the workshop and policy forum include:
The workshop identified a number of recommendations, including:
[adapted from author]