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   <title>The Singing Revolution</title>
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   <id>tag:www.singingrevolution.com,2012:/blog//4</id>
   <updated>2012-02-09T16:28:05Z</updated>
   
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<atom10:link xmlns:atom10="http://www.w3.org/2005/Atom" rel="self" type="application/atom+xml" href="http://feeds.feedburner.com/TheSingingRevolution" /><feedburner:info uri="thesingingrevolution" /><atom10:link xmlns:atom10="http://www.w3.org/2005/Atom" rel="hub" href="http://pubsubhubbub.appspot.com/" /><entry>
   <title>TSR Screening &amp; Concert in Lexington, MA!</title>
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   <id>tag:www.singingrevolution.com,2012:/blog//4.711</id>
   
   <published>2012-02-09T16:23:56Z</published>
   <updated>2012-02-09T16:28:05Z</updated>
   
   <summary>Sunday, February 12, 2012 3:00 PM Lexington High School Choral Department is proud to be the first high school group to screen "The Singing Revolution" as a fundraiser for their upcoming concert tour of Sweden, Finland and Estonia. Filmmakers James...</summary>
   <author>
      <name>Maureen</name>
      <uri>http://www.singingrevolution.com/</uri>
   </author>
   
   
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      <![CDATA[Sunday, February 12, 2012 
3:00 PM

<strong>Lexington High School Choral Department </strong>is proud to be the first high school group to screen "The Singing Revolution" as a fundraiser for their upcoming concert tour of Sweden, Finland and Estonia. 

<strong>Filmmakers James Tusty and Maureen Castle Tusty will be present </strong>for the screening to introduce the film, talk about the journey of making the documentary and to take audience questions and feedback. Lexington High School choruses will perform Estonian choral selections,and 50 guests may opt for a special ticket which will include a catered reception with the filmmakers. 

Lexington High School 
251 Waltham Street 
Lexington, MA 02421 

3:00 - 5:30pm Film screening, Q&A session and mini-concert 
6:30 - 7:30pm Reception with filmmakers, James Tusty and Maureen Castle Tusty 

Tickets are available now and can be purchased by contacting Elise Rowley at singingrevolutionlhs@gmail.com 

$5 students 
$12 adults 
$30 film screening and reception (limited to 50 participants) ]]>
      
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<entry>
   <title>The Singing Revolution in the Wall Street Journal</title>
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   <id>tag:www.singingrevolution.com,2011:/blog//4.709</id>
   
   <published>2011-11-28T18:30:08Z</published>
   <updated>2011-11-28T18:32:01Z</updated>
   
   <summary>"The Singing Revolution" got a nice review/full article in the Wall Street Journal. Click the link below to read the article also on the website: http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424053111903596904576514322485299098.html?KEYWORDS=singing+revolution....</summary>
   <author>
      <name>Maureen</name>
      <uri>http://www.singingrevolution.com/</uri>
   </author>
   
   
   <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://www.singingrevolution.com/blog/">
      <![CDATA["The Singing Revolution" got a nice review/full article in the Wall Street Journal. Click the link below to read the article also on the website:  <a href="http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424053111903596904576514322485299098.html?KEYWORDS=singing+revolution">http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424053111903596904576514322485299098.html?KEYWORDS=singing+revolution</a>.]]>
      
   </content>
<feedburner:origLink>http://www.singingrevolution.com/blog/2011/11/the_singing_revolution_in_the.shtml</feedburner:origLink></entry>

<entry>
   <title>Another Example of Song Used for Change - This Time in Syria</title>
   <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://feedproxy.google.com/~r/TheSingingRevolution/~3/a5iA5qiACFE/another_example_of_the_power_o.shtml" />
   <id>tag:www.singingrevolution.com,2011:/blog//4.707</id>
   
   <published>2011-07-27T10:42:08Z</published>
   <updated>2011-07-27T10:55:10Z</updated>
   
   <summary>By ANTHONY SHADID Published in the The New York Times July 21, 2011 HAMA, Syria -- As anthems go, this one is fittingly blunt. "Come on Bashar, leave," it declares to President Bashar al-Assad. And in the weeks since it...</summary>
   <author>
      <name>Maureen</name>
      <uri>http://www.singingrevolution.com/</uri>
   </author>
   
   
   <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://www.singingrevolution.com/blog/">
      <![CDATA[<strong>By ANTHONY SHADID
Published in the The New York Times July 21, 2011 
</strong>
HAMA, Syria -- As anthems go, this one is fittingly blunt. "Come on Bashar, leave," it declares to President Bashar al-Assad. And in the weeks since it was heard in protests in this city, the song has become a symbol of the power of the protesters' message, the confusion in their ranks and the violence of the government in stopping their dissent. 

Although no one in Hama seems to agree on who wrote the song, there is near consensus on one point: A young cement layer who sang it in protests was dragged from the Orontes River this month with his throat cut and, according to residents, his vocal cords ripped out. Since his death, boys as young as 6 have offered their rendition in his place. Rippling through the virtual communities that the Internet and revolt have inspired, the song has spread to other cities in Syria, where protesters chant it as their own. 

"We've all memorized it," said Ahmed, a 40-year-old trader in Hama who regularly attends protests. "What else can you do if you keep repeating it at demonstrations day after day?" 

Tunisia can claim the slogan of the Arab revolts: "The people want to topple the regime." Egyptians made famous street poetry that reflected their incomparable wit. "Come on Bashar, Leave," is Syria's contribution to the pop culture of sedition, the raw street humor that mingles with the furor of revolt and the ferocity of crackdown. ]]>
      <![CDATA[When the government derided them as infiltrators, protesters appropriated the term with pride. After Mr. Assad warned of germs in the body politic, echoing Col. Muammar el-Qaddafi's dismissal of Libya's rebels as rats, protesters came up with a new slogan: "Syrian germs salute Libyan rats." Protesters in Hama fashioned a toy tank from trash containers in the streets. On the birth date of Mr. Assad's father, Hafez, who ruled for 30 years, youths in Homs set their chants to the tune of "Happy Birthday." 

"Come on Bashar, Leave" is more festive than funny, with an infectious refrain, chanted with the intoxication of doing something forbidden for so long: 

"Hey Bashar, hey liar. Damn you and your speech, freedom is right at the door. So come on, Bashar, leave." 

"It's started to spread all over the country," said a former Republican Guard officer who has joined the protests in Homs, an hour or so from Hama. "It keeps getting more popular." 

The man pulled from the river was named Ibrahim Qashoush, and he was from the neighborhood of Hadir. He was relatively unknown before July 4, when his body was found, then buried in the city's Safa cemetery, near the highway. 

Video on YouTube, impossible to verify, shows a man purported to be Mr. Qashoush with his head lolling from a deep gash in his throat. Residents say security forces shot him, too. But people in Hama dwelled on the detail that stands as a metaphor for the essence of decades of dictatorship: That the simple act of speaking is subversive. "They really cut out his vocal cords!" exclaimed a 30-year-old pharmacist in Hama who gave his name as Wael. "Is there a greater symbol of the power of the word?" 

In a rebellion whose leaders remain largely nameless and faceless, Mr. Qashoush has become somewhat celebrated in death. "The nightingale of the revolution," one activist called him. 

But the revolt remains largely atomized, with protesters in cities connected first and foremost by the Internet, and rumors have proliferated about Mr. Qashoush himself. Even in Hama, where protest leaders in one neighborhood often do not know their colleagues in another, some residents have suggested that Mr. Qashoush was not the real singer, that two men had the same name, that he was really a government informer killed by residents, that he is still alive. 

One resident insisted the man killed was a second-rate wedding singer. 

"Every day in the street, just while you're sitting somewhere, you can hear five or six rumors, and they turn out to be wrong," said an engineer who gave his name as Adnan. 

Many here see the government's hand in everything. Lists of informers have circulated, but some believe security forces compiled them, hoping to discredit protesters or smear the reputations of businessmen helping them. When residents hanged an informer last month, some people in Hama suggested that government agents did it to make them look bad. 

"We've heard this," said a 23-year-old activist who gave his name as Obada. 

Obada and others insisted that the song was actually written by a 23-year-old part-time electrician and student named Abdel-Rahman, also known as Rahmani. Sitting in a basement room, Rahmani celebrated what he called "days of creativity." 

As the protests in Hama grew bolder and bigger last month, he said crowds grew bored with the old chants -- "Peaceful, peaceful, Christians and Muslims," "There is no fear after today" and "God, Syria, freedom, and nothing else." Speeches were not much better. Activists soon managed to bring sound equipment, powered by generators tucked in the trunk of a car, he said, and he wrote his first song, "Syria Wants Freedom." 

"Come on Bashar, Leave," followed, though he and his brother Mohammed argued for a week over whether he should keep a marginally derogatory line, "Hey Bashar, to hell with you." It stayed, and now draws the biggest applause, cheers and laughter. 

"What I say, everyone feels in their hearts, but can't find words to express," he said, dragging on a cigarette. "We were brought up afraid to even talk about politics." 

Like seemingly everyone here, he suffered a loss in 1982, when the army stormed Hama to quell an Islamist revolt, killing at least 10,000. He said his grandfather Naasan Miqawi was shot in front of his mother. His uncle Mostafa remains missing 30 years later. He admits he is a better writer than singer, but the very act of occasionally performing his song for the crowds seemed an act of revenge, rendered small. He consented to photographs, with a defiant shrug. 

Asked if he was afraid, Rahmani answered, "Of what?" 

Just off Al Alamein Street, Saleh, a boy of 11 named for his grandfather, killed in 1982, performed "Come on Bashar, Leave" for men many times his age, who grinned at him in admiration. Without missing a beat, he denounced Mr. Assad's brother, Maher, who leads the elite Republican Guard; his cousin Rami Makhlouf, a businessman considered the family's banker; and the Shaleesh family, relatives of the president who are notorious for corruption. "Hey Maher, you coward," the young boy sang. "You are an American agent. Nobody can insult the people of Syria. So come on Bashar, leave." 

The men offered the refrain, their faces softly illuminated by sparse streetlights. 

"Come on Bashar, leave," they chanted back. 

None of them looked over his shoulder, and none whispered. No one was afraid. 

"We get new thieves regularly; Shaleesh and Maher and Rami, they ripped off my brothers and uncles," the boy's voice went on. "So come on Bashar, leave." 

And the men's refrain began again, in voices that felt just a little louder. 

Article Link:  <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2011/07/22/world/middleeast/22poet.html?_r=2&ref=world">http://www.nytimes.com/2011/07/22/world/middleeast/22poet.html?_r=2&ref=world
</a>]]>
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<entry>
   <title>Estonian Youth Music Festival - Still A Powerful Force</title>
   <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://feedproxy.google.com/~r/TheSingingRevolution/~3/kYz3QjcUx9M/estonian_youth_music_festival.shtml" />
   <id>tag:www.singingrevolution.com,2011:/blog//4.706</id>
   
   <published>2011-07-06T17:48:27Z</published>
   <updated>2011-07-06T17:51:23Z</updated>
   
   <summary>Estonian Youth Sing Their Way into the Future "Singing was a potent symbol of nationhood for Estonians throughout decades of Soviet rule. Now it's helping the country complete its journey into European integration....." FULL ARTICLE: http://www.dw-world.de/dw/article/0,,15210489,00.html...</summary>
   <author>
      <name>Maureen</name>
      <uri>http://www.singingrevolution.com/</uri>
   </author>
   
   
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      <![CDATA[<em><strong>Estonian Youth Sing Their Way into the Future 
</strong></em> 
"Singing was a potent symbol of nationhood for Estonians throughout decades of Soviet rule. Now it's helping the country complete its journey into European integration....."

FULL ARTICLE:
<a href="http://www.dw-world.de/dw/article/0,,15210489,00.html">http://www.dw-world.de/dw/article/0,,15210489,00.html</a>]]>
      
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<entry>
   <title>An article by Stephen Zunes, international Scholar Professor of Politics and International Studies at the University of San Francisco.</title>
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   <id>tag:www.singingrevolution.com,2011:/blog//4.693</id>
   
   <published>2011-06-01T18:02:17Z</published>
   <updated>2011-06-01T22:08:15Z</updated>
   
   <summary> Yemen on the Edge Excerpt: "There was a sense that the people of Yemen were too poor or too tribal or too "backward" to engage in a nonviolent civil insurrection against their dictator. However, as other unarmed pro-democracy uprisings...</summary>
   <author>
      <name>Maureen</name>
      <uri>http://www.singingrevolution.com/</uri>
   </author>
   
   
   <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://www.singingrevolution.com/blog/">
      
Yemen on the Edge

Excerpt: "There was a sense that the people of Yemen were too poor or too tribal or too "backward" to engage in a nonviolent civil insurrection against their dictator.  However, as other unarmed pro-democracy uprisings in the region have demonstrated, the desire of human freedom and the willingness face down the tanks, machine guns, tear gas, and truncheons to defend basic rights is indeed universal."
      <![CDATA[Yemen on the Edge
By Stephen Zunes, May 13, 2011

Since Obama came to office in January 2009, U.S. security assistance to the Yemeni regime has gone up five-fold.  Despite such large-scale unconditional support, however, the 32-year reign of autocratic President Ali Abdullah Saleh may finally be coming to an end. Yet the Obama administration has been ambivalent in its support for a democratic transition in this impoverished but strategically important country.

Saleh's behavior has gotten increasingly bizarre. He has begun claiming that an unlikely coalition of Israel and Qatar has incited and financed the pro-democracy struggle, and that women in leadership positions in the pro-democracy struggle and even men and women protesting in the streets together is somehow "un-Islamic."

Efforts by Saudi Arabia and other regional monarchies to negotiate Saleh's resignation, despite showing some initial promise, have failed both as a result of the dictator's obstinacy and the protesters' demands for a genuine democratic transition. Saleh continues to lose support despite his corrupt system of patronage. This policy of "bribe a tribe" appears to be failing as tribal leaders, top military officers, and other formal allies have joined the protesters in demanding that the increasingly repressive and eccentric U.S.-backed dictator to step down.

Rising Protests

Yemen is a desperately poor country, with high unemployment, and a long history of division and instability. Sheila Carapico, a professor at the University of Richmond, has described

the grotesque enrichment of regime cronies at the expense of the many; deteriorating standards of living; obscenely bad schools, hospitals and roads; the skyrocketing price of meat, staples and even clean water; the lack of jobs for college and high-school graduates. ... Grandiose pageants of presidential power, half-truths in the official media, indignities at military checkpoints, arbitrary arrests and imprisonments -- these and other daily insults feed popular alienation, despair and frustration, most notably among the youth. While a privileged few cool off in swimming pools in their luxury compounds, the water table has fallen, decimating the farm economy that remains the livelihood of the rural majority. Farmers and ranchers facing starvation have flocked to the cities where water supplies and social services are swamped. Misery has become the new normal; millions barely survive on the equivalent of a dollar or two per day. 

The United States has sent plenty of money, but it's almost all been military assistance. The small amounts of economic aid have mostly gone through corrupt government channels.

Until the pro-democracy struggle emerged as a major nationwide challenge to the regime, the attention of the U.S. media and the Obama administration had almost exclusively been on al-Qaeda cells operating in the country and Shiite Houthi tribesmen fighting in a remote northern region. There was a sense that the people of Yemen were too poor or too tribal or too "backward" to engage in a nonviolent civil insurrection against their dictator.  However, as other unarmed pro-democracy uprisings in the region have demonstrated, the desire of human freedom and the willingness face down the tanks, machine guns, tear gas, and truncheons to defend basic rights is indeed universal.

As with Tunisia and Egypt, young people make up the majority of the protesters, though people of all ages have taken to the streets in more than a dozen cities across the country. As with similar pro-democracy protests, there has been a strong cultural dimension, including street theater, music, dancing, and other performance art. Protesters have used tactics that illustrate the unity of the movement, such as 50,000 hands being clasped above the crowd.

Yemen is the most heavily armed countries in the world in terms of individual gun ownership, with some estimates as high as three weapons per person. The fact that the millions of Yemenis who have taken to the streets have consciously left them at home and largely maintained a strict nonviolent discipline is nothing short of remarkable. At a recent demonstration in the tribal al-Bayda region, men brought guns only to throw them down on the ground shouting "silmiyya!" ("peacefully!"), a common chant of the protests.  Indeed, the extent of the pro-democracy struggle and its commitment to nonviolence is comparable to the recent revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt, and earlier unarmed insurrections in Serbia, Czechoslovakia, the Philippines, Chile, and elsewhere.

Washington Flat-Footed

Despite diplomatic cables going back as far as 2005 indicating that Saleh could potentially face a popular pro-democracy uprising, the Obama administration appears to have been caught completely off-guard. U.S. Secretary of Defense Robert Gates acknowledged that Washington had not planned for an era without Saleh. As one former ambassador to Yemen put it in back in March, "For right now, he's our guy." 

Since then, the Obama administration has belatedly joined its European allies in encouraging Saleh to step aside. At the same time, the United States has not been very supportive of the pro-democracy protests either. For example, following government attacks on peaceful pro-democracy protesters two weeks ago, which killed a dozen protesters and injured hundreds of others, the U.S. embassy called on the Yemenis to cooperate with the rather dubious Saudi-led negotiations for a transition by "avoiding all provocative demonstrations, marches and speeches in the coming days."

Recently released Wikileaks cables have also demonstrated that U.S. military assistance increased despite evidence that Saleh was using U.S.-supplied weapons not against al-Qaeda as promised but against domestic opposition to his increasingly repressive rule. As a result of the popular protests, Washington has frozen the more than $1 billion in military aid currently in the pipeline. But Washington has acted more out of concern over Saleh's successor than genuine outrage at the dramatically increased repression.

It's time for the United States to recognize that the future of the Middle East is not in the hands of aging autocrats like Saleh or even traditional elite oppositionists, but in civil society. Ultimately power comes not from well-armed people at the top but from the consent of the people.

<a href="http://www.fpif.org/articles/yemen_on_the_edge">article</a>]]>
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<entry>
   <title> "it is possible to undertake serious fiscal adjustment in a short period of time, and be popular," says Anders Aslund</title>
   <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://feedproxy.google.com/~r/TheSingingRevolution/~3/wI4xetY0iEM/it_is_possible_to_undertake_se.shtml" />
   <id>tag:www.singingrevolution.com,2011:/blog//4.691</id>
   
   <published>2011-05-26T19:45:39Z</published>
   <updated>2011-05-26T19:59:34Z</updated>
   
   <summary>Why Estonia may be Europe's model country By Isabelle de Pommereau, Correspondent / May 18, 2011 Tallinn, Estonia An 82-foot-high billboard wrapping Estonia's finance ministry building in its capital, Tallinn, boasts: "The euro, my money." It stands just blocks from...</summary>
   <author>
      <name>Maureen</name>
      <uri>http://www.singingrevolution.com/</uri>
   </author>
   
   
   <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://www.singingrevolution.com/blog/">
      Why Estonia may be Europe's model country

By Isabelle de Pommereau, Correspondent / May 18, 2011

Tallinn, Estonia

An 82-foot-high billboard wrapping Estonia's finance ministry building in its capital, Tallinn, boasts: "The euro, my money." It stands just blocks from the city's cobbled, winding medieval streets and baroque churches, in a downtown where skyscrapers have replaced Russian bunkers, as a symbol of Estonia's transformation from poor Soviet republic to the European Union's rising star.

When Estonia was accepted into the eurozone in January, seven years after joining the EU and two decades after the fall of the Soviet Union, it was another big step for the small Baltic nation away from its imposing neighbor to the east, Russia.

Over the next five years, it's expected to have Europe's fastest-growing economy. It emerged from the global financial crisis wounded, but has rebounded after adopting austere measures few other countries would accept. It's given the world Skype and the only national volunteer cyberarmy, and is adding to the EU a rare sense of determination at a time when pessimism about the euro prevails - a consequence of the debt crises that have hit Greece, Ireland, and Portugal and the bailout plans that followed. Indeed, Estonia, which is still the eurozone's poorest country, has emerged as the darling of its beleaguered union. [Editor's note: The original version incorrectly stated that Estonia is the poorest European country. It is the poorest eurozone country.]
      <![CDATA[Think you know Europe? Take our geography quiz.

"We are very poor but very optimistic," says Jürgen Ligi, Estonia's earnest finance minister, sitting in a sparse office under a portrait of Estonian President Toomas Hendrik Ilves. Mr. Ligi, a dedicated triathlete, brings a rigid sense of discipline to his office. In many ways, he's been the chief overseer of Estonia's aggressive capitalism - flat tax rates and no corporate income tax on reinvested profits. That's been paired with cost-slashing austerity: pension cuts, reductions in benefits for civil servants, shortened maternity leaves, and even streetlights that don't stay on as long.

But in Estonia, where most remember the harsh lives under the USSR (roughly 10 percent of its population was deported to Siberian gulags), those cuts haven't resulted in any major public outcry. "We have seen much harder times," says Ligi.

In fact, Estonians overwhelmingly supported their government's austerity measures: In March they reelected the government of Prime Minister Andrus Ansip, making him the first post-Soviet era prime minister to win a second term.

The Estonia example shows that "it is possible to undertake serious fiscal adjustment in a short period of time, and be popular," says Anders Aslund, senior fellow at the Peterson Institute for International Economics in Washington. "When you do what you have to do - cut expenditures and have a clear aim of your policy - you get reelected."

Estonia's fast break from communism

Estonians benefit from emerging from the Kremlin's yoke without the ethnic and political turmoil that has weighed down other post-Soviet states. When it broke free of communism, it started over with a crop of young entrepreneurs and idealistic leaders. "Because we started anew, we got new laws, new leaders, and new technology," says Jaan Tallinn, one of the founders of Skype, the Internet phone company that was recently sold to Microsoft for $8.5 billion. "The big winners were the start-ups."

Skype got its start in a grim Soviet-era complex on the outskirts of Tallinn, where the USSR secretly assembled its first computer. Mr. Tallinn credits a spirit of entrepreneurship and creativity that filled Estonia in the 1990s, giving rise to a spirited community of computer developers. "If you happen to start a new country in the 1990s, you have the advantage of drafting new laws with the knowledge that the Internet is out there," says Tallinn.

Estonia's early adoption of the Internet has turned it into one of the world's most wired countries (it's often called e-Stonia). There's free wireless Internet at almost every street corner. People pay their parking tickets with their cellphones and voters cast their ballots digitally - the first people to do so in the world.

"The Internet and [information technology] infrastructure is a way of life," says Linnar Viik, intellectual capital theory professor at the Estonia IT College. "This way of life and the values of this society aren't controlled by state ministries of defense. They are supported by culture, education, the economy."

A cyberarmy rises

In January, Estonia deployed its volunteer cyberarmy, the 60-member Cyber Defense League. It's Estonia's electronic National Guard. Created in the wake of a massive 2007 hacker attack, which was blamed on Russian hackers (but never officially proven), the online watchdogs have turned Estonia into the model for defending against computer warfare. To make sure cyberexperts are available in case of an emergency, it is contemplating making service in the Cyber Defense League part of a national draft.

Estonians express an almost instinctive sense of national duty, something that many say stems from decades of painful occupation. "The concept of independence is fragile and sensitive and important in Estonia," says Mr. Viik.

From atop the Tallinn citadel of Toompea, a former Baroque palace that now houses the Estonian Parliament, one gets a good view of medieval Tallinn, encircled by towering walls. The city built it high under Swedish rule in the 1600s to protect itself from invaders. For more than 500 years, this forested country - the size of New Hampshire and Vermont combined - was up for grabs.

Nation after nation - Den mark, Sweden, Germany, Russia, the Soviet Union - had a turn at domination. Only once in those 500 years, from 1920 to 1940, did Estonians consider Tallinn their own capital.

"War and occupation and Stalinist terror is what really influenced the attitudes," says Olaf Mertelsmann, professor of contemporary history at the University of Tartu in Estonia. "This is why independence is sometimes glorified."

Estonia's challenges

To be certain, Estonia has a long road ahead. The latest global economic crisis hit hard. One in 10 people is unemployed. One-fifth of the population lives in poverty, and tensions remain high with the 300,000 ethnic Russians - one-third of the population - living in Estonia. How to integrate them remains a quandary. Yet Estonia does not want to spend its way to prosperity.

"Conservatism has always been a common feature for us," says Ligi, the finance minister. By the end of 2010, its budget deficit dropped to 1.7 percent of gross domestic product, well below the EU's 3 percent limit. (By comparison, Ireland and Greece had deficits of more than 14 percent of GDP.) Estonia's economy is predicted to grow by 5 percent this year.

"In many ways," says Professor Mer tels mann, "it is the West that has to learn from the East, and not the other way around."

<a href="http://www.csmonitor.com/World/Europe/2011/0518/Why-Estonia-may-be-Europe-s-model-country?cmpid=ema:nws:World%20Daily%2005192011&cmpid=ema:nws:NzM1NzEzMTE2MwS2">article</a>]]>
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<entry>
   <title>Article on Gene Sharp, Professor Emeritus of political science at the University of Massachusetts Dartmouth and a Nobel Peace Prize nominee. Known for his writings on the non-violent struggle which have influenced anti-governemnt resistance movements arou</title>
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   <id>tag:www.singingrevolution.com,2011:/blog//4.686</id>
   
   <published>2011-05-17T19:52:43Z</published>
   <updated>2011-05-17T20:18:58Z</updated>
   
   <summary>Gene Sharp Evan McGlinn for The New York Times Gene Sharp is an American intellectual whose ideas can be fatal to the world's despots. For decades, Mr. Sharp's practical writings on nonviolent revolution -- most notably "From Dictatorship to Democracy,"...</summary>
   <author>
      <name>Maureen</name>
      <uri>http://www.singingrevolution.com/</uri>
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   <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://www.singingrevolution.com/blog/">
      Gene Sharp
 
Evan McGlinn for The New York Times

Gene Sharp is an American intellectual whose ideas can be fatal to the world's despots. For decades, Mr. Sharp's practical writings on nonviolent revolution -- most notably "From Dictatorship to Democracy," a 93-page guide to toppling autocrats, available for download in 24 languages -- have inspired dissidents around the world, including in Burma, Bosnia, Estonia and Zimbabwe, and now Tunisia and Egypt.

When Egypt's April 6 Youth Movement was struggling to recover from a failed effort in 2005, its leaders tossed around "crazy ideas" about bringing down the government, said Ahmed Maher, a leading strategist. They stumbled on Mr. Sharp while examining the Serbian movement Otpor, which he had influenced.

When the nonpartisan International Center on Nonviolent Conflict, which trains democracy activists, slipped into Cairo several years ago to conduct a workshop, among the papers it distributed was Mr. Sharp's "198 Methods of Nonviolent Action," a list of tactics that range from hunger strikes to "protest disrobing" to "disclosing identities of secret agents."
      <![CDATA[Dalia Ziada, an Egyptian blogger and activist who attended the workshop and later organized similar sessions on her own, said trainees were active in both the Tunisia and Egypt revolts. She said that some activists translated excerpts of Mr. Sharp's work into Arabic, and that his message of "attacking weaknesses of dictators" stuck with them.

Mr. Sharp, hard-nosed yet exceedingly shy, has been careful not to take credit. He is more thinker than revolutionary, though as a young man he participated in lunch-counter sit-ins and spent nine months in a federal prison in Danbury, Conn., as a conscientious objector during the Korean War. He has had no contact with the Egyptian protesters, he said, although he recently learned that the Muslim Brotherhood had "From Dictatorship to Democracy" posted on its Web site.

His modest house in East Boston, which he bought in 1968 for $150 plus back taxes, doubles as the headquarters of the Albert Einstein Institution, which Mr. Sharp founded in 1983 while running seminars at Harvard and teaching political science at what is now the University of Massachusetts at Dartmouth. The organization consists of him; his assistant, Jamila Raquib, whose family fled Soviet oppression in Afghanistan when she was 5; a part-time office manager and a Golden Retriever mix named Sally.

﻿Based on studies of revolutionaries like Gandhi, nonviolent uprisings, civil rights struggles, economic boycotts and the like, Mr. Sharp has concluded that advancing freedom takes careful strategy and meticulous planning, advice that resonated among youth leaders in Egypt. Peaceful protest is best, he says -- not for any moral reason, but because violence provokes autocrats to crack down.

In the twilight of his career, Mr. Sharp, who never married, has slowed down although he said his work was far from done. He has submitted a manuscript for a new book, "Sharp's Dictionary of Power and Struggle: Terminology of Civil Resistance in Conflicts," to be published this fall by Oxford University Press. He would like readers to know he did not pick the title. "It's a little immodest," he said.


<a href="http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/s/gene_sharp/index.html">article</a>]]>
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<entry>
   <title>The Jihadi Revolution is Dead (But Bin Laden's Death Didn't Kill It)</title>
   <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://feedproxy.google.com/~r/TheSingingRevolution/~3/aYm7aSffSZU/the_jihadi_revolution_is_dead.shtml" />
   <id>tag:www.singingrevolution.com,2011:/blog//4.685</id>
   
   <published>2011-05-12T17:36:38Z</published>
   <updated>2011-05-12T17:38:26Z</updated>
   
   <summary>Excerpt from article "The rise of a new nonviolent popularism in the Middle East may seriously undercut the viability of the jihadi image of violent social change"...</summary>
   <author>
      <name>Maureen</name>
      <uri>http://www.singingrevolution.com/</uri>
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   <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://www.singingrevolution.com/blog/">
      Excerpt from article "The rise of a new nonviolent popularism in the Middle East may seriously undercut the viability of the jihadi image of violent social change"
      <![CDATA[In the first moments after the announcement that Osama bin Laden had been killed by an American military raid in Pakistan, some commentators observed that the War on Terror was also, now, officially dead.

The imagined war of the Bush era may indeed be over. And the jihadi insurrection associated with bin Laden and his al Qaeda organization may also be dead. But I suspect that the real perpetrators of their deaths may not have been the elite American military cadre some hours ago in Pakistan, but the legion of cell phone-toting protestors earlier this year in Tahrir Square. They have helped to complete the erosion of legitimacy that has undermined the jihadi activists in recent years within the Muslim world.     


For the past thirty years, the jihadi movement has crested on a wave of popular unrest and been propelled by the moral legitimacy given by their violent interpretation of the Muslim notion of ethical struggle. Though jihadi activists such as those associated with Osama bin Laden's al Qaeda network have been regarded from outside the region simply as immoral terrorists, much of their popularity within the Islamic world has been their moral appeal.

These activists thought only bloodshed would create political change, and only the jihadi ideology of cosmic warfare--based on Muslim history and Qur'anic verses--provided the moral legitimacy for the struggle. Ideologists such as Abd al-Salam Farad and Ayman al-Zawahiri have written as if violent struggle--including ruthless attacks of terrorism on civilian populations--was the only form of struggle that was advocated by Islam.

These assumptions have been proven wrong. The dramatic popular uprisings in Tunisia, Egypt, Lybia, Bahrain, Yemen, and elsewhere in the Islamic world have demonstrated that protests that have been nonviolent in their inception (and have become violent only in response to bloody attempts to repress them) have been far more effective, and supported with a more widespread moral and spiritual consensus.  

What brought down the tyrants in Egypt and Tunisia, as it turned out, was about as far from jihad as one could imagine. It was a series of massive nonviolent movements of largely middle class and relatively young professionals who organized their protests through Facebook, Twitter, and other forms of electronic social networking.

There was also a religious element to the protests. The peak moments came after Friday prayers, when sympathetic mullahs would urge the faithful into joining the protest as a religious duty. But theirs was not the divisive, hateful voice of jihadi rhetoric. In a remarkable moment when the Muslim protestors were trying to conduct their prayers in the Square and Mubarak's thugs tried to attack them as they prayed, a cordon of Egyptian Coptic Christians who had joined the protests circled around their Muslim compatriates, shielding them. Later a phalanx of Muslim protestors protected their Christian comrades as they worshipped in the public square, an urban intersection that was for that time transformed into a massive interfaith sanctuary.

The religiosity of Tahrir Square is far from the religion of radical jihad. Rather than separating Muslim from non-Muslim, and Sunni from Shi'a, the symbols that were raised on impromptu placards in Tahrir Square were emblems of interfaith cooperation; they showed the cross of Coptic Christians together with the crescent of Egypt's Muslims in a united religious front against autocracy.

Imagine what Osama bin Laden must have made of all of this as news trickled into the fortress-like mansion in Abbottabad where he had lived for the past several years. Imagine even more the puzzled chagrin of someone like bin Laden's primary lieutenant, al-Zawahiri, the Egyptian medical doctor who joined the most extreme Islamist jihadi movement years ago, convinced that only violent guerilla warfare would topple someone like Mubarak.

Tahrir Square clearly showed that Zawahiri was wrong. In a couple of weeks of protests, the peaceful resistors demonstrated the moral and strategic legitimacy of nonviolent struggle. And they succeeded, where years of jihadi bloodshed had not produced a single political change. Now that bin Ladin is dead, does this mean that al Qaeda is also finished, and the radical struggles of jihad will fizzle into history?

Perhaps, in part. It is unlikely, however, that the al Qaeda organization, such as it is, will be abandoned. The small group of people who comprise the inner circle of the bin Laden organization will no doubt harden its resolve, even after bin Laden's death. Like the followers of millennarian movements who become more extreme and entrenched in their beliefs when the prophecized end of the world does not take place on schedule, the true believers of al Qaeda will soldier on. They may become more extreme in their rhetoric, more desperate in using acts of terrorism to draw attention to themselves and their increasingly impossible view of the world. Yet the al Qaeda inner circle has never been large, and its organization--though capable of conducting horrible acts of terrorism--has never been a consistent and widespread threat.

So although the hardened activists associated with al Qaeda will linger on, the fate of the global jihadi ideology--or rather the world view of cosmic war that the jihadi rhetoric promoted--is a different matter. This view of the world as a tangle of sacred warfare has been an exciting and alluring image among a large number of mostly young and largely male Muslims around the world for over a decade. It is an image that was brought to dramatic attention by the September 11, 2001 attacks, and stimulated by the perception that US military actions in Afghanistan and Iraq were wars against Islam.

This jihadi vision of sacred warfare was propagated by the internet, through postings on chat rooms and the dissemination of YouTube types of videos showing graphic acts of US military destruction in Islamic countries and calling on the faithful to respond. The jihadi idea of cosmic war provided a strategic legimitization of violence by the implicit promise--as a leader of Hamas once told me--that if one is fighting God's war, one could never lose. God always wins.

Tahrir Square is a profound anti-jihadi lesson, and its significance has spread around the world. It has ignited similar nonviolent protests elsewhere in the Middle East, and it may also have altered the thinking of activists in other cultures as well. Intense discussion is underway in Palestine, where the Hamas-dominated strategy of strategic violence has been largely counterproductive; will a new nonviolent and non-extremist movement of young educated Palestinian professionals create a different kind of impetus for change in their region of the Middle East?

The rise of a new nonviolent popularism in the Middle East may seriously undercut the viability of the jihadi image of violent social change. On the other hand, a significant number of failures of nonviolent resistence may lead to a violent backlash once again. Not all protests will end like Tunisia and Egypt. Others will be ruthlessly crushed, as was the Green Revolution in Iran in 2009. The current protests in Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, and Libya face an uncertain end. Failure of nonviolent revolution has, in the past, been the occasion for renewed acts of violence.

So the jihadi warriors may again have their day. For the moment, however, bin Laden is dead, and Tahrir Square has challenged both the strategic value and the moral legitimacy of the jihadi stance. The legion of young Muslim activists around the world have received a new standard for challenging the old order, and a new form of protest, one that discredits terrorism as the easy and ineffective path and chooses the tough and profitable road of nonviolence.

<a href="http://www.religiondispatches.org/dispatches/guest_bloggers/4557/with_bin_laden_is_gone,_is_the_jihadi_revolution_dead/">article</a>]]>
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<entry>
   <title>ONLINE OPPRESSION: Totalitarian Regimes Still Controlling Freedom of Speech  </title>
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   <id>tag:www.singingrevolution.com,2011:/blog//4.678</id>
   
   <published>2011-05-02T17:10:05Z</published>
   <updated>2011-05-02T17:21:44Z</updated>
   
   <summary>Here's a great summary of how oppressive regimes are trying to control this new era of immediate online information sharing. The technology race takes on all new meaning, and who's going to be better/faster at it? Those desperate for freedom...</summary>
   <author>
      <name>Maureen</name>
      <uri>http://www.singingrevolution.com/</uri>
   </author>
   
   
   <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://www.singingrevolution.com/blog/">
      <![CDATA[Here's a great summary of how oppressive regimes are trying to control this new era of immediate online information sharing.   The technology race takes on all new meaning, and who's going to be better/faster at it?  Those desperate for freedom (and their international supporters) or those with the money to control it?   <a href="http://cpj.org/reports/2011/05/the-10-tools-of-online-oppressors.php">Click here</a> to read the full article "The 10 Tools of Online Oppressors" from CPJ - The Committee to Protect Journalists
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<entry>
   <title>Various articles on nonviolent conflict around the world</title>
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   <id>tag:www.singingrevolution.com,2011:/blog//4.673</id>
   
   <published>2011-04-20T20:46:01Z</published>
   <updated>2011-04-20T21:05:06Z</updated>
   
   <summary>News Digest on Nonviolent Conflict The following articles take a look at nonviolent conflict around the world; check the link below to find out what's happening in your homeland. article...</summary>
   <author>
      <name>Maureen</name>
      <uri>http://www.singingrevolution.com/</uri>
   </author>
   
   
   <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://www.singingrevolution.com/blog/">
      <![CDATA[News Digest on Nonviolent Conflict

The following articles take a look at nonviolent conflict around the world; check the link below to find out what's happening in your homeland.

<a href="http://campaign.r20.constantcontact.com/render?llr=67t94scab&v=001euir7dY8GMVt8wKistb49dnovEHxu_7rUrvYHL7Do1nHPcPSx0HtoJDS6vvcxCeOM3fml03kTc0OH44ZQx9g7X0MxQBFsusl9im67e13a68%3D">article</a>]]>
      
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<entry>
   <title>A quote from Aung San Suu Kyi, an amazing woman with the right ideas.</title>
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   <id>tag:www.singingrevolution.com,2011:/blog//4.671</id>
   
   <published>2011-04-14T21:54:52Z</published>
   <updated>2011-04-14T22:12:24Z</updated>
   
   <summary>"A revolution simply means great change, significant change, and that's how I'm defining it--great change for the better, brought about through non-violent means." Please read article below:...</summary>
   <author>
      <name>Maureen</name>
      <uri>http://www.singingrevolution.com/</uri>
   </author>
   
   
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      "A revolution simply means great change, significant change, and that's how I'm defining it--great change for the better, brought about through non-violent means."

Please read article below:
      <![CDATA[Aung San Suu Kyi in conversation
On reuniting with her son, learning to live with fear, Harry Potter, and her hopes for her country
by Nancy Macdonald on Monday, December 20, 2010 9:00am 
 


Mother and son: Suu Kyi and Kim Aris in Rangoon | AP; Soe Zeya Tun/Reuters
On Nov. 13, Aung San Suu Kyi, the world's most famous political prisoner, walked free from house arrest in Burma. Her crumbling white villa on Rangoon's Inya Lake had, for most of the past two decades, been her prison. She was first detained in 1989, a year before her National League for Democracy party took 82 per cent of the seats in nationwide elections. Those results were famously tossed out by the military regime that has ruled Burma since 1962 and threw the NLD leadership, Suu Kyi included, behind bars. Late last month, Suu Kyi was reunited with her youngest son, Kim Aris, 33, named for the Rudyard Kipling hero, after a decade-long separation. The 65-year-old Nobel laureate and democratic icon spoke to Maclean's from Rangoon.


Q: You have said you never felt as though you were apart from your two sons. Could you explain?
A: We've always been very close to each other. Although it's been many years since I have seen them, I have thought of my sons very often--not just the younger one who has come to Burma now [Kim], but my eldest son, Alexander, as well. I have kept alive their memories and images. I missed them, of course--but in other ways, they were very, very much alive in my heart and mind.

Q: You once said something similar of your father, Gen. Aung San, the country's founding father, who was assassinated in 1947, shortly before Burma won its independence from Britain. That at times during your lonely struggle you have been alone, but you have always known that you had your father's backing.
A: Yes, that's right. I was only two when he died, so I don't really remember him, but my mother and others have always talked about him, so I have always felt very close to him. Of course, I was always told he was particularly fond of me. I was the youngest of his children, and the only daughter, and that always made me feel we had a special relationship.

Q: How does it feel to be free?
A: Well, for one thing, it's exhausting. I don't seem to have time to breathe. Everything's happening so quickly, and so much is happening all the time.

Q: You said you were actually quite busy while under house arrest--right from 4:30 in the morning, when you rose to meditate. How did you pass the time?
A: I was the--shall we say "handyman"?--around the house. I had to fix minor electricity problems, and so forth. And then, of course, there was the whole business of listening to the radio. I sat in front of it for five or six hours a day, in order to keep up with the rest of the world.

Q: You also read widely while under arrest: on history, economics and politics, primarily, but your lawyer said you managed to get your hands on a Harry Potter book. Can I ask why Harry Potter?
A: Well, I was given some Harry Potter books by a young friend. I wanted to know why young people liked it so much. And I noted that there were some values in Harry Potter that are common to many books that are popular all over the world. In the end, I think people prefer the good to win, rather than the bad.

Q: "Violence begets violence," you have said, and you have been very clear since your release about how you wish to make change.
A: I've always been strongly on the side of non-violence. Also, I think that if you use the wrong means, the ends themselves get distorted. I was speaking to a writer the other day and he gave me a valuable piece of advice. He said that you may get to where you want to go quicker through violence, but the healing process takes longer. Whereas if you don't use violence, there is not much healing necessary, so you win in the long run.

Q: Yet you are positioning your political movement as an active opposition to the military leadership, and are calling for a revolution. Could you explain how you define the term?
A: A revolution simply means great change, significant change, and that's how I'm defining it--great change for the better, brought about through non-violent means. And we do need great change in Burma. We are trying to build a new society, a society where basic human rights are respected, and where our people enjoy all the benefits of democratic institutions.

Q: "If they had reached out to us," you have said of the regime, "we would have grasped their hands." Clearly, you believe in dialogue. And if one believes in dialogue, one must also believe in compromise. Is it too optimistic to expect some kind of compromise on the part of the military regime?
A: It may be optimistic to expect that too quickly. I think we have to work at it. I would like for both sides to sit down, and work out a solution.

Q: Expectations of you are enormous in both Burma and the West. But you have been clear since being freed that you cannot do this alone, that the fight will not be won without the support of the Burmese people.
A: That's right. I want them to understand that if you want democracy, you have got to be prepared to accept the responsibilities of democracy. The people have to take part. They have to understand that they have the power to move things, and they must really commit themselves to change if they want it. They can't just expect me, or the NLD, to bring about this change. This is the age of the people, the age of communications. We have all got to form a huge network, working toward a process of democratization.

Q: You haven't lived with your sons since they were 11 and 15; you weren't able to see your husband, Michael Aris, in England before his death in 1999 because you feared the regime wouldn't let you back into Burma if you left. Yet you refuse to cast that as a sacrifice.
A: Yes--it is a choice I made. If you think of it as a sacrifice, it is as though you felt that you have given more than you are getting. But I think I have been given as much as I have given. The people have given me their support, they have given me their trust and confidence. My colleagues have suffered a lot in order to give me support. I do not look upon my life as a sacrifice at all.

Q: Yet you have paid such a high price. Have you ever thought it was too high?
A: No. Some of my colleagues may have paid too high a price. Over 2,000 political prisoners remain behind bars. The conditions in prisons in Burma are far worse than conditions in my house, where I have lived the last seven years.

Q: You say that fear itself can be a kind of prison. For years, you and so many Burmese have been terrorized by the military regime. How can one learn to live without fear in such an environment?
A: If not without fear, at least in spite of fear. The important thing is fear should not control your actions. It should not dictate what you do. Even if you feel fear, you still have to go ahead and do what you believe in. As I keep saying to our supporters: "All right, your knees may be knocking but that shouldn't prevent you from going ahead and doing what you need to do."

Q: Isn't it true you could be imprisoned again?
A: One has to look at it as a possibility. I have been arrested time and time again, and my colleagues, too. I cannot guarantee that I'll not be arrested again. But it's not something that weighs on my mind. If we are fearful of arrest, we'd never be able to get on with it in this country. I'll do what I can while I'm free. If they arrest me again, I'll do what I can while I'm under arrest.

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Q: In 2007, after a violent military crackdown on protesters, Canada imposed some of the toughest sanctions in the world on Burma, including a ban on all imports and exports, and a ban on new investment by Canadians. Would you like Canada to maintain its hardline stance?
A: We will review the sanctions position--which means we don't particularly want any change until we see what the effects of the sanctions are. There are political effects, and economic effects, and one has to be weighed against the other, and we really want to find out whether the general public has been affected adversely.

Q: Both India and China are looking to tap oil and gas reserves on Burma's oil-rich west coast. India recently welcomed the leader of the military junta, Senior Gen. Than Shwe, on a state visit, and has called November's sham elections "free and fair." How has its support for the regime made you feel?
A: I've been very, very saddened. India and Burma have been close friends since the days we were struggling for independence. And I'm a great admirer of Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru, and all those leaders of India's independence movement. I would like to believe the aspirations and hopes we shared in the past will continue to bind us in the future.

Q: The regime maintains it won the Nov. 7 elections by a landslide. The opposition, including your party, the NLD, was divided over whether to participate in elections or boycott them. You were then still under arrest. Could you explain the NLD approach?
A: The NLD boycotted the elections, and I agree with the stand. The terms of the 2008 constitution [which ensures the military will continue to be the ultimate authority] could not benefit Burma in the long run. We think this constitution should be revised. Secondly, we couldn't accept that the results of the 1990 elections have been swept aside in one single sentence, without reference to the will of the people. Thirdly, it was not possible for us to accept that we should expel political prisoners from our party. This would be a gross act of betrayal of our comrades. For these reasons, we decided not to contest the elections. And considering the complaints of those who did contest, I don't think we made the wrong decision.

Q: Last month, the Supreme Court refused to hear your lawsuit challenging a recent decision to ban and dissolve your party. The NLD has had various restrictions placed on it for 20-odd years, and continued to function. Is it fair to say the party will remain an opposition force, regardless of what the courts rule?
A: We will continue to exist. We've existed in the past, and we'll continue to exist as a strong political opposition. At the same time, we are going to appeal the decision of the court.

Q: In pictures and videos circulated since your release you have been surrounded by huge crowds of Burmese people, clearly delighted just to be near you. It must all be a little frightening--the crowds, the shouting, the pushing, especially after so many years of solitude?
A: No, it's not at all alarming. It's touching, actually. They're all very, very cheerful. It's nice to feel their support, their warmth.

Q: You have learned to use a cellphone since your release. Have you been able to secure an Internet connection?
A: No, not yet. I've made an application. But I don't know whether it will come through or not.

Q: If you're successful, will you use Twitter or Facebook to communicate with your supporters?
A: Can't I do both?

Q: You are one of only five people to have ever been made an honorary citizen of Canada. Is there any chance you might visit Ottawa one day to receive the designation in person?
A: I very much hope so. I'd love to visit Canada.

Q: Are you even allowed to leave Rangoon?
A: There are no restrictions on my travelling around the country. But I have no plans to travel around the country. I'm too busy to even leave Rangoon--there is so much work here.

<a href="http://www2.macleans.ca/2010/12/20/nobel-laureat-aung-san-suu-kyi/">article</a>]]>
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<entry>
   <title>Learning Some Big Lessons From Little Estonia</title>
   <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://feedproxy.google.com/~r/TheSingingRevolution/~3/vKytuEEcauw/learning_some_big_lessons_from.shtml" />
   <id>tag:www.singingrevolution.com,2011:/blog//4.662</id>
   
   <published>2011-03-25T20:04:04Z</published>
   <updated>2011-03-25T20:28:35Z</updated>
   
   <summary>The following is an article from "The Moscow Times" on differences, both economic, and social, that are working so well for Estonia in comparison to Russia (both countries, formerly members of the Soviet Union) Excerpt: The contrast between Estonia and...</summary>
   <author>
      <name>Maureen</name>
      <uri>http://www.singingrevolution.com/</uri>
   </author>
   
   
   <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://www.singingrevolution.com/blog/">
      The following is an article from "The Moscow Times" on differences, both economic, and social, that are working so well for Estonia in comparison to Russia (both countries, formerly members of the Soviet Union)
 
Excerpt: The contrast between Estonia and Russia becomes all the more striking when we turn to qualitative indicators. In the recent survey of math skills of school pupils by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, Estonia ended up in 17th place, far higher than the Western average, while Russia fell significantly below the average in 38th place. More obscure comparisons of health care point in the same direction. The Estonian public sector functions very well by the standards of the European Union, while Russia's social sector is neither effective nor efficient.

Please read full article:
      Learning Some Big Lessons From Little Estonia
22 March 2011
By Anders Aslund

Of all the post-Communist countries, none has been more successful in its reforms than Estonia. Today, it is difficult to imagine that only 20 years ago, Estonia and Russia were republics in the same state. A comparison between the two shows what really matters for social and economic development.

The least remarkable difference lies in gross domestic product. Estonia's GDP per capita is about 20 percent higher than Russia's at current exchange rates. This difference was about the same when both states belonged to the Soviet Union. In these terms, both have been successful. Estonia's strong growth performance shows how limited Russia's advantage is from its vast oil revenues, even when the oil price is close to an all-time high. The predicted growth rates for the next few years are similar at about 4 percent a year, though Estonia is more likely to outperform than Russia.

The contrast between Estonia and Russia becomes all the more striking when we turn to qualitative indicators. In the recent survey of math skills of school pupils by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, Estonia ended up in 17th place, far higher than the Western average, while Russia fell significantly below the average in 38th place. More obscure comparisons of health care point in the same direction. The Estonian public sector functions very well by the standards of the European Union, while Russia's social sector is neither effective nor efficient.

The largest difference is corruption. Out of the 178 countries on the Corruption Perception Index of Transparency International, Estonia ranks 26, while Russia is No. 154. Estonia was perceived as somewhat more honest in Soviet days, but not much. This discrepancy has largely arisen after the end of the Soviet Union. Estonia has grown more honest, and Russia far more corrupt.

The direct cause of this huge chasm is the business environment. On the World Bank index for the ease of doing business, Estonia ranks steadily 17 out of 183 countries, while Russia is 123rd and falling. Estonia is simply a much more livable society. Estonia is a leader in e-government, while Russia's red tape remains oppressive.

These few observations show two different things. On the one hand, the level of economic development as measured in GDP is usually rather inert and economic convergence with the West requires decades. In terms of purchasing-power parity, Estonia has reached about half of the GDP per capita of the original 15 members of the European Union.

At the same time, however, in most qualitative regards, Estonia ranks higher than the original EU members, showing that the functioning of the state and the public sector can change much faster than people usually think.

Corruption is often blamed on ingrained traditions and institutions of the Soviet Union or the Russian Empire, but both Estonia and Russia were part of those states. Arguments of religion and culture have proved wrong so often that we may ignore them.

The rising gap between Estonia and Russia shows how important government policy is and how fast corruption and the state can actually change. No government can get away with blaming history or tradition for its failure to control corruption.

Nor is it sufficient to be a market economy or maintain good fiscal policy. Before the global financial crisis, Russia and Estonia had similarly limited public expenditures as a share of GDP, and both enjoyed persistent fiscal surpluses and had virtually no public debts. Both countries have flat income taxes and generally low or moderate tax rates.

But business life is quite different in the two countries. Estonia has no oligarchs or even very rich people. In the early 1990s, its business was dominated by shady metal traders, who operated like their Russian colleagues, buying metals at low prices fixed by the state and exporting them at a free market price. Such business required controls over prices and exports, but as soon as both were liberalized this business was washed away.

Russian business remains dominated by oligarchs whose very existence requires good relations with the ruling elite -- one that doles out money, permits and other assets, while limiting competition from the market. Russia's red tape gives officials the opportunity to collect kickbacks and allows the business elite to reap excessively large profits because of stifled competition. Much of this is being financed with rents from oil and gas, which go to wealthy officials and favored businessmen. Russia needs to achieve Estonia's degree of deregulation and transparency.

The ultimate difference is that the Estonian government is focused on the welfare of its nation, while the Russian leaders are preoccupied with their own welfare. That is the difference between democracy and authoritarianism.

Democracies are strong in crisis because they enjoy legitimacy in the eyes of their citizens. On March 6, Estonia held parliamentary elections. The current two dominant center-right coalition partners, the Estonian Reform Party and the Pro Patria and Res Publica Union, won an increased majority, although GDP plummeted by a total of 19 percent in 2008 and 2009, when the same government ruled.

The Estonian voters understand that this was caused by the global financial crisis and do not blame their government for what it cannot control. Small, open economies are vulnerable to the hazards of loose global monetary policy. The Estonian government was compelled to carry out a fiscal adjustment of no less than 9 percent of GDP in 2009 essentially by cutting public expenditures. It has also managed to minimize its budget deficit.

The contrast is stark with authoritarian Russia, where the government is so afraid of the population that it has switched to a populist policy during the crisis, throwing money at any group that may cause unrest. Thus, Russia maintains a significant budget deficit despite the current abundant oil revenues.

Estonia sets a good example for Russia to follow. It shows what Russia should and can do when it becomes democratic again. After all, Russia is far too rich, educated and open to be so corrupt and authoritarian. Remember that there is only one country that is richer and more corrupt than Russia -- Equatorial Guinea.
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<entry>
   <title>Effectiveness of Nonviolent Resistance</title>
   <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://feedproxy.google.com/~r/TheSingingRevolution/~3/JBDUmwMbTyk/effectiveness_of_nonviolent_re.shtml" />
   <id>tag:www.singingrevolution.com,2011:/blog//4.661</id>
   
   <published>2011-03-25T16:18:02Z</published>
   <updated>2011-03-25T16:31:39Z</updated>
   
   <summary>Here's an excerpt from an article comparing the effectiveness of nonviolent resistance, such as just happened in Egypt, to violent resistance as is happening in Libya. The stats from their research are very interesting to note... EXCERPT: "And while the...</summary>
   <author>
      <name>Maureen</name>
      <uri>http://www.singingrevolution.com/</uri>
   </author>
   
   
   <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://www.singingrevolution.com/blog/">
      Here's an excerpt from an article comparing the effectiveness of nonviolent resistance, such as just happened in Egypt, to violent resistance as is happening in Libya.  The stats from their research are very interesting to note...

EXCERPT:

"And while the fighting in Libya is far from over, it's not too early to ask a critical question: which is more effective as a force for change, violent or nonviolent resistance? Unfortunately for the Libyan rebels, research shows that nonviolent resistance is much more likely to produce results, while violent resistance runs a greater risk of backfiring......"

 Please read the full article: 
      <![CDATA[Give Peaceful Resistance a Chance
By ERICA CHENOWETH

THE rebellion in Libya stands out among the recent unrest in the Middle East for its widespread violence: unlike the protesters in Tunisia or Egypt, those in Libya quickly gave up pursuing nonviolent change and became an armed rebellion.

And while the fighting in Libya is far from over, it's not too early to ask a critical question: which is more effective as a force for change, violent or nonviolent resistance? Unfortunately for the Libyan rebels, research shows that nonviolent resistance is much more likely to produce results, while violent resistance runs a greater risk of backfiring.

Consider the Philippines. Although insurgencies attempted to overthrow Ferdinand Marcos during the 1970s and 1980s, they failed to attract broad support. When the regime did fall in 1986, it was at the hands of the People Power movement, a nonviolent pro-democracy campaign that boasted more than two million followers, including laborers, youth activists and Catholic clergy.

Indeed, a study I recently conducted with Maria J. Stephan, now a strategic planner at the State Department, compared the outcomes of hundreds of violent insurgencies with those of major nonviolent resistance campaigns from 1900 to 2006; we found that over 50 percent of the nonviolent movements succeeded, compared with about 25 percent of the violent insurgencies.

Why? For one thing, people don't have to give up their jobs, leave their families or agree to kill anyone to participate in a nonviolent campaign. That means such movements tend to draw a wider range of participants, which gives them more access to members of the regime, including security forces and economic elites, who often sympathize with or are even relatives of protesters.

What's more, oppressive regimes need the loyalty of their personnel to carry out their orders. Violent resistance tends to reinforce that loyalty, while civil resistance undermines it. When security forces refuse orders to, say, fire on peaceful protesters, regimes must accommodate the opposition or give up power -- precisely what happened in Egypt.

This is why the Egyptian president, Hosni Mubarak, took such great pains to use armed thugs to try to provoke the Egyptian demonstrators into using violence, after which he could have rallied the military behind him.

But where Mr. Mubarak failed, Col. Muammar el-Qaddafi succeeded: what began as peaceful movement became, after a few days of brutal crackdown by his corps of foreign militiamen, an armed but disorganized rebel fighting force. A widely supported popular revolution has been reduced to a smaller group of armed rebels attempting to overthrow a brutal dictator. These rebels are at a major disadvantage, and are unlikely to succeed without direct foreign intervention.

If the other uprisings across the Middle East remain nonviolent, however, we should be optimistic about the prospects for democracy there. That's because, with a few exceptions -- most notably Iran -- nonviolent revolutions tend to lead to democracy.

Although the change is not immediate, our data show that from 1900 to 2006, 35 percent to 40 percent of authoritarian regimes that faced major nonviolent uprisings had become democracies five years after the campaign ended, even if the campaigns failed to cause immediate regime change. For the nonviolent campaigns that succeeded, the figure increases to well over 50 percent.

The good guys don't always win, but their chances increase greatly when they play their cards well. Nonviolent resistance is about finding and exploiting points of leverage in one's own society. Every dictatorship has vulnerabilities, and every society can find them.

Erica Chenoweth, an assistant professor of government at Wesleyan University, is the co-author of the forthcoming "Why Civil Resistance Works: The Strategic Logic of Nonviolent Conflict."
<a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2011/03/10/opinion/10chenoweth.html?_r=1">
http://www.nytimes.com/2011/03/10/opinion/10chenoweth.html?_r=1</a>]]>
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<entry>
   <title>Article on The Singing Revolution - in Redding, CA this weekend!</title>
   <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://feedproxy.google.com/~r/TheSingingRevolution/~3/8oJiOxZ5bB8/article_on_the_singing_revolut.shtml" />
   <id>tag:www.singingrevolution.com,2011:/blog//4.659</id>
   
   <published>2011-03-16T20:06:11Z</published>
   <updated>2011-03-16T20:40:15Z</updated>
   
   <summary>Let Freedom Sing: Estonia's Army of Voices Arrives In Redding By Adam Mankoski March 16, 2011 2 Comments Printer-Friendly "Land of my Father, land that I love, I can't abandon her. For her a hundred times, I shall give my...</summary>
   <author>
      <name>Maureen</name>
      <uri>http://www.singingrevolution.com/</uri>
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      <![CDATA[<strong>Let Freedom Sing: Estonia's Army of Voices Arrives In Redding</strong>
  
By Adam Mankoski March 16, 2011 2 Comments Printer-Friendly   
"Land of my Father, land that I love, I can't abandon her. For her a hundred times, I shall give my life," begins "Mu Isamaa On Minu Arm," written by Estonian National Poet Lydia Koidula.

This passionate poem, created during Estonia's Great Awakening, was first set to music in 1869 and performed that year for Estonia's first Laulupidu, an annual gathering of 30,000 vocalists on one stage and one of the world's largest amateur choral festivals.

The song slipped by Laulupidu Soviet censors in 1947, was banned from the festival in the 1950s and sung defiantly in 1969 by 100,000 amateur singers, in competition with 100 soviet band members trying to drown them out.

"Mu Isamaa On Minu Arm" was the song that unified Estonia, a country that lost a quarter of its citizens to deportation or execution by the end of WWII. During Estonia's occupation, this song became the rallying cry for a non-violent "Singing Revolution" from 1987 to 1991. Hundreds of thousands of Estonians gathered publicly to sing forbidden patriotic songs and share protest speeches, risking their lives to proclaim their desire for independence.

Estonia's "Singing Revolution," accomplished without the loss of a single life, is documented in a film by James and Maureen Tusty that is screening this weekend in Redding. I spoke to Maureen about her experiences in Estonia, music as a revolutionary force and what it's like to watch 30,000 people sing at the same time.





]]>
      How did your career path lead to creating this film?

My husband Jim and I are both filmmakers, and in 1999 we had the opportunity to teach a filmmaking course at the first university to teach film after the departure of the Soviets. As we started to build friendships there, people began to share stories, sitting over dinner, about what happened during these revolution years. We were astounded and moved by what we learned, and the more we researched, the more we were shocked at how dramatic these events were. We committed ourselves to sharing this powerful story outside of Estonia. As we see the current events dramatically unfolding before us in the Middle East, it reaffirms the undeniable human drive for self-determination and that freedom is absolutely core to the human experience.

I'm nervous for you just thinking about the film's 2006 premiere in Estonia. How was that?

Nervous doesn't begin to describe it! Although we did not make the film for Estonians (they already know their own history), we knew we had to premiere the film there, both out of respect for those who lived it, and also to validate the story. We spent four years researching and fact checking, and we wanted Estonians to consider this film an accurate reflection of their own story. The film premiered at the Black Nights Film Festival to a sold-out audience. It was very meaningful for us when the audience stood and applauded at the end for a solid 10 minutes. And Estonians are not known for being overly-effusive. Even our Estonian co-producers were amazed! It was quite special.

What's it like to see Laulupidu live?

When I attended my first song festival years ago I thought, "How good could 30,000 singers all together really sound?" How embarrassed I am now of that thought. The Song Festival is a cultural and musical masterpiece, rehearsed for years by choirs that have been singing their entire lives. The quality of the music, the singing, the power of so many voices beautifully orchestrated is overwhelming. You will never hear anything like it, anywhere else, period.



What is your favorite of the new generation of revolutionary songs?

Too hard to pick just one. I don't think it's the music itself (which, given the time period the songs were written, remind me of what I was lamely dancing to in high school). What's amazing is what these songs are saying. During Soviet times, openly singing about their nation and history instantly touched people to the core, and you can still feel that when you listen to them today.

You say that "Songs can be so much more than entertainment." Expound on that.

This is the ultimate example of music and song having a profound impact on history and a nation's ultimate survival. Although singing is not the only important factor that caused Estonians to regain their independence in the early '90s, its profound role was critical and multifaceted.

Estonia's song tradition helped people to preserve their language and their culture throughout the occupation as the Soviets tried to deny any Estonian identity and assimilate the nation. When the "singing revolution" began in the late 1980s and wave after wave of people came out to gather at these first protests, you can imagine the extreme emotions, anger and fear these people must have felt. Most of these people had parents or grandparents killed or imprisoned in Siberia, a lifetime of oppression, and now after 50 years finally released that anger and frustration.

KGB and Soviet police were present at all of these events, just waiting for an excuse to crack down. The Estonian people knew they had to keep these protests non-violent, simply for their survival. Their culture of singing played a critical role in helping them to maintain their non-violent approach, as well as keep their culture alive.

Experience James Tusty and Maureen Castle Tusty's "The Singing Revolution," the story of how the Estonian people peacefully regained their freedom, this Saturday in Redding. The screening includes guest speaker Shane Kikut, whose father Aksi lived in Estonian refugee camps for 9 years until they were able to emigrate to the U.S. in 1950. He will share stories about his father and aunt and their experiences.

What: A screening of "Singing Revolution," a benefit for People of Progress &amp; Genocide No More - Save Darfur.

When: Saturday (March 19),  7 p.m.

Where: First United Methodist Church, 1825 East Street, Redding

Cost: $5 students, $7.50 general, $20 family. Tickets available at Graphic Emporium - 1525 Pine Street, Redding, or at People of Progress - 1242 Center Street, Redding.

For more information about the screening, contact: Marv Steinberg at 229-3661 or Melinda Brown at 243-3811. Click HERE to learn more about the Singing Revolution, and the film.

Note from Maureen Tusty: Films like this are often not rated in the U.S., but in Canada this film received a rating of PG for mild violence. She has received emails from people who have brought their 10-, 11- &amp; 12-year-old children to see the film. While each child is different, Tusty advises against taking a child under age 9 or 10.

Adam Mankoski enjoys experiencing and writing about the people, places and things that embody the free spirit of the State of Jefferson. He and his partner own HawkMan Studios and are the creators of Redding's 2nd Saturday ArtHop. Email your NorthState weekend events to adamm.anewscafe@gmail.com.

http://anewscafe.com/2011/03/16/let-freedom-sing-estonias-army-of-voices-arrives-in-redding/
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<entry>
   <title>"And now we are alone..." - something I heard in so many Estonian interviews</title>
   <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://feedproxy.google.com/~r/TheSingingRevolution/~3/NZNiRxy3TVE/and_now_we_are_alone_-_somethi.shtml" />
   <id>tag:www.singingrevolution.com,2011:/blog//4.658</id>
   
   <published>2011-03-16T13:31:57Z</published>
   <updated>2011-03-16T13:42:17Z</updated>
   
   <summary>"We mounted this fight to live under the values of the West -- freedom, human rights and human dignity. And now we are alone. But we will stand here in Benghazi to the end. We will live in dignity or...</summary>
   <author>
      <name>Maureen</name>
      <uri>http://www.singingrevolution.com/</uri>
   </author>
   
   
   <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://www.singingrevolution.com/blog/">
      <![CDATA[<strong>"We mounted this fight to live under the values of the West -- freedom, human rights and human dignity. And now we are alone. But we will stand here in Benghazi to the end. We will live in dignity or we will die."</strong><em></em>

This is a quote from a Libyan revolution participant.  Sadly, I heard similar statements from many, many Estonians interviewed for "The Singing Revolution".  I wish there were a way to share the Estonian's experience throughout these struggling regions - gaining freedom is rarely swift, and from what I've learned, hope is essential.

click below to read the full article...  ]]>
      <![CDATA[<strong>Libyan revolution on the verge of collapse</strong><u></u>
Published On Tue Mar 15 2011
By Mitch Potter
 Washington Bureau 
 
BENGHAZI, LIBYA--Forces loyal to Moammar Gadhafi punched hard into the last line of defence protecting the rebel capital of Benghazi Tuesday, putting the shrinking revolution at risk of collapse as hope for international intervention wanes.

As another day of UN deliberations ended in discord, the Libyan regime ringed the strategic city of Ajdabiya from two sides, launching volleys of rocket fire from air and ground-based artillery and triggering an exodus or fighters and civilians north on the 200-kilometre highway to Benghazi.

Libyan state TV declared Ajdabiya "cleansed of mercenaries and terrorists." Rebel officials in Benghazi later disputed the claim, insisting a rebel counter-attack had retaken the city 100,000. 

The rebels also claimed a string of victories elsewhere using the first-ever deployment of at least two aging jetfighters brought to the rebel side by defecting Libyan pilots, including the sinking of three Gadhafi warships and an air strike on a military base at Gadhafi's home town of Sirte. But the claims could not be independently verified and come after days of rebel assessments on the fighting that did not match journalists' observations on the ground.

All impartial evidence points to Gadhafi's forces continuing the push eastward deep into rebel territory, at the expense of the severely outgunned rebel army.

Supporters of a no-fly zone introduced a UN resolution Tuesday aimed at stopping Gadhafi's planes from bombing civilians, but Russia and Germany expressing misgivings. At a G8 meeting earlier in the day, France and Britain failed to win support for a no-fly zone.

With no significant progress on grinding foreign diplomacy aimed at stemming the Gadhafi surge, the rebel leadership is now grappling with the prospects that any outside help will amount to too little, too late.

"It's unbelievable what is happening at the international level," Iman Boughaigis, spokeswoman for the nascent Libyan Transitional Council, told the Toronto Star.

"We mounted this fight to live under the values of the West -- freedom, human rights and human dignity. And now we are alone.

"But we will stand here in Benghazi to the end. We will live in dignity or we will die."

The Gadhafi brigades now appear in partial control, at least, of the crucial Ajdabiya crossroads, where one desolate desert highway stretches 400 km to the rebel-held city of Tobruk and the eastern border with Egypt and another runs north to Benghazi. 

A siege of one of both cities now seems likely. And if Gadhafi loyalists break beyond Ajdabiya, there appears a largely unimpeded route to the border itself, which has been unguarded since the uprising erupted one month ago.

For days, as the poorly armed rebel fighters retreated hundreds of kilometres in the face of the regime's overwhelming air and groundfire, the hard kernel of the revolt in Benghazi vowed a fight to the death rather than cede their newfound freedom to Gadhafi.

The fate of these people, many thousands of whom have gone public, sharing for the first time the deprivations of the past 42 years, appears dangerously near to being left to the mercy of a regime that routinely describes them as "rats and vermin."

Some activists wept openly Tuesday at the waterfront courthouse that has served as headquarters of the homegrown revolution. Others described in bitter terms the disappointment of their unanswered pleas for foreign intervention.

And others still wondered at the message Gadhafi's apparent rout sends to other autocrats in the region facing popular, freedom-seeking uprisings. None of the revolts that have ricocheted around Arab world have drawn anywhere near the blood of Libya, where minimal estimates placed the death toll at well over 1,000, many of them unarmed civilians. 

"If this was happening to a western country -- Italy, Germany or Spain -- how long world the world wait to act? One day, one week?" Dr. Abdul Atif Aghwal, chairman of Benghazi's Jamahiriya Hospital, told the Toronto Star.

"Here, we wait one month and nothing happens. Gadhafi is a megalomaniac, his mind has snapped, and he will only kill more until he is stopped."

Many western journalists who have made home in Benghazi since the uprising erupted were packing bags and readying for an overnight run for the Egyptian border. Others among the handful of foreign nationals left in Benghazi were looking to their governments for a possible final evacuation by sea.

Gadhafi promised on Monday he would not kill activists involved in the uprising, should they be trapped and ultimately captured in Benghazi. But a translation of a regime leaflet dropped by air over Ajdabiya suggests retribution may be in the cards.

"It is the hour we face the betrayers. House by house, street by street, one by one, person by person, we will hunt the rats," the leaflet said. "Huge numbers of armed people are coming to protect you, so join us. Do not hesitate to execute the betrayers and the rats."

Any assault on the well-armed rebels Benghazi itself raises the spectre of urban warfare of a ferocity unseen this past month, with the potential for long weeks of battles and a high civilian death toll.

"The amount of guns in Benghazi, the number of RPGs in private homes, is enormous," another rebel spokesman, Mustafa Gheriani, said Tuesday night. "If it should come to that, this city will fight with everything it has." 

The Gadhafi surge into Ajdabiya came after two days of air attacks, a morning of artillery shelling and what appeared to be a short-lived counterattack Monday, when some rebel fighters managed to push back to the oil port of Brega, 80 km west.

Word of the rebel counterstrike emboldened some civilians to attempt to drive back to their homes along the desert road between the two towns. But the civilian convoy reportedly was subjected to a withering attack by Gadhafi forces, with several cars and their occupants destroyed, according a German media crew that witnessed the ambush. 

The German journalists also were hit in the attack and said their Libyan driver was killed by gunfire. They claimed to have fled on foot, moving eastward for seven hours late Monday before flagging down a rebel car and making their way back to relative safety in Benghazi.
<a href="http://www.thestar.com/news/world/article/954084--the-star-in-libya-libyan-revolution-on-the-verge-of-collapse">http://www.thestar.com/news/world/article/954084--the-star-in-libya-libyan-revolution-on-the-verge-of-collapse</a> ]]>
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