The white veshti sattai stood out among the kurta pyjamas and sarees that others wore. It drew a lot of admiration.

But that was only one side of the story.

The other side was that I had to run to the restroom multiple times because the veshti kept slipping. It simply would not stay on my skinny waist. I also had a tough time carrying my phone and wallet because the veshti had no pockets.

For generations, the veshti and lungi were garments defined by memory rather than design. They were draped through instinct, secured through folds and knots learned by watching elders, and adjusted constantly throughout the day. Despite their cultural centrality, the garments remained structurally unchanged and were largely absent from designer fashion runways. Comfort of the lungi and veshti depended on the skill of the wearer. Stability of the garments depended on the vigilance of the wearer. Innovation, as fashion history often records it, never arrived.

As a fashion designer, that moment stayed with me. The veshti was prone to slipping. The veshti required constant adjustment. The veshti had no pockets to carry everyday essentials.

As a design student, I began experimenting with ways to redesign the veshti to solve these real life functional problems.

The innovation began with a simple design question. Why should a garment worn daily by millions demand constant adjustment? Why should dignity and comfort rely on bodily technique rather than construction? Why must tradition remain physically unforgiving to be considered authentic?

These questions led to a new silhouette. A lungi and veshti that were tailored, structured, adjustable, and stable.

My early prototypes included tie up versions and D-ring variations with side pockets. However, they still did not feel completely secure or comfortable.

That changed during my graduate design collection at NIFT Delhi. On the runway, I presented what would become the first tailored waistband lungi, introducing a structured waistband construction to a garment traditionally worn through folding and tucking. The lungi was reimagined by Purushu Arie as a stylistic and inclusive gender neutral garment, extending the traditional silhouette beyond its conventional boundaries.

Over the following years, I continued refining the design through multiple prototypes and wearer feedback. This process eventually led to two variations: a tailored waistband lungi and veshti with side zippers, and another version with an elastic waistband and adjustable drawstring. Elastic and drawstrings were not added as an afterthought. They were built into the logic of the garment itself.

In 2017, I launched the fully developed versions as part of my first gender neutral fashion collection. The designs featured tailored lungis and veshtis made using Tamil Nadu handloom fabrics, with pockets, zipper closures, elastic waistbands, and adjustable drawstrings.

The tailored elastic waistband veshti and lungi were an immediate success. The innovation received widespread media coverage and was featured in The Hindu, The New Indian Express, The Telegraph, Mint, DT Next, and several other publications.

This innovation was launched under the Purushu Arie label several years before ‘ottiko kattiko’ veshti products became widely popular around 2020. Purushu Arie became the first designer brand to introduce and formally document tailored lungis and veshtis constructed with an elastic waistband and drawstring as a primary design feature.

This distinction matters not as a trend, but as a matter of design authorship. Prior to this work, there was no verifiable fashion archive, catalogue, museum record, or press documentation presenting elasticated drawstring lungis or veshtis as an intentionally designed garment with named authorship.

By introducing elastic waistbands and drawstrings within a tailored veshti and lungi design, the garment’s behaviour on the body fundamentally changed. It became secure without being restrictive. Adaptive without being shapeless. Wearable across ages, professions, and body types. The wearer no longer had to constantly perform the garment. The garment supported the wearer.

What emerged was not simply a reinterpretation of an existing garment. It was a new design architecture applied to a traditional draped form.

At a time when much of Indian fashion looked upward toward elite social aesthetics or outward toward Western silhouettes for inspiration, this work looked inward. It reworked a garment that had long been stigmatised or considered inappropriate in elite spaces in India.

The veshti was not presented as nostalgia or costume. It was treated with the same seriousness that fashion typically reserves for trousers or tailored separates. In doing so, the work quietly challenged a hierarchy within Indian fashion where innovation is assumed to emerge from Western forms while indigenous garments remain frozen in time.

The cultural impact of this shift is subtle but meaningful. The elastic waistband veshti removes anxiety from the act of wearing the garment. It invites movement and everyday functionality. It allows the body to exist without constant adjustment or self surveillance. In doing so, it opens the garment to people who may have previously felt excluded by its traditional demands.

In 2018, Purushu Arie wore his signature elastic waistband lungi while speaking about gender neutral fashion at TEDxChennai.

Actor Anjana Jayaprakash wore the waistband lungi in 2018. Filmmaker Malini Jeevarathinam wore the signature elastic waistband lungi with drawstrings in 2020.

Purushu Arie also designed a stylistic draped lungi variation for actor Shariq Haasan of Bigg Boss fame as well as musician Sound Mani.

In June 2021, musician and rapper Therukural Arivu wore Purushu Arie’s elastic waistband lungi with drawstrings.

By introducing the first documented tailored veshtis and lungis with elastic waistbands and drawstrings, Purushu Arie changed the grammar of how these garments are worn. The veshti moved from inherited habit to designed choice, from anonymous tradition to documented authorship.

Following media acclaim and celebrity adoption, by 2020, even brands from Bangladesh had begun adopting Purushu Arie’s elastic waistband lungi constructions. By 2022, fashion retailers across India had recreated the tailored elastic waistband veshti and lungi innovated by Purushu Arie. From fashion designers showing at India Fashion Week to fast fashion retailers, the Purushu Arie design innovation travelled across the market.

Lungis and veshtis have been worn historically and are still worn by millions every day. With a single design intervention, Purushu Arie changed how lungis and veshtis will be worn in the future.

And in that moment, the veshti and lungi entered a new chapter in their history.

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At the systemic tier (primary), foundational priorities – such as policy reforms and economic restructuring – create the prerequisite conditions for structural changes to take root. These structural changes (secondary) influence industries and institutions to adopt sustainable practices, forming the groundwork for meaningful personal actions (tertiary), such as shifts in consumer behaviour or lifestyle choices.

By integrating these layers in a systematic sequence, the PASS framework redefines how individuals, organisations, and systems can collectively drive meaningful and enduring change. Rather than treating the challenges of sustainability as simultaneous, the PASS framework approaches them sequentially. It recognises that addressing systemic barriers first creates the foundational conditions necessary for structural and personal actions to thrive, thereby ensuring that subsequent efforts are more impactful and sustainable. This approach acknowledges that true sustainability can only be achieved when foundational shifts in systems are realised first, creating a strong foundation for further progress.

Introduction

Sustainability is often defined through three interconnected dimensions: environmental, social, and economic. Achieving a truly comprehensive and impactful approach to sustainability, however, requires more than addressing these dimensions in isolation.

Most current sustainability models, such as the Triple Bottom Line (TBL) and Circular Economy, treat actions and priorities as simultaneous rather than sequential. These models acknowledge the interrelatedness of the environmental, economic, and social dimensions of sustainability, but often fail to address the need for a clear sequence in which actions should be implemented. For instance, the Triple Bottom Line, proposed by Elkington (1997), encourages simultaneous attention to economic, social, and environmental factors without a prioritised order. Similarly, Circular Economy models advocate for systemic changes like recycling and resource efficiency alongside economic and social innovations, but do not suggest a structured sequence of actions (Ellen MacArthur Foundation, 2013). While these models provide valuable frameworks for sustainability, they do not necessarily account for the complexities that emerge when systemic reforms, structural changes, and personal actions are treated as parallel rather than sequential.

Complexities of Treating Systemic Reforms, Structural Changes, and Personal Actions as Parallel Processes

Addressing large-scale societal issues often involves a combination of systemic reforms, structural changes, and individual actions. While these components are essential, treating them as parallel processes rather than sequential efforts can introduce significant complexities that hinder progress.

Dilution of Focus and Resources

Simultaneous efforts across all levels can dilute focus and strain resources. Systemic reforms, requiring long-term planning and execution, may compete with individual and structural initiatives for attention and funding. This fragmented approach can result in inefficiencies and suboptimal outcomes, as seen in the fragmented strategies for achieving climate goals (Geissdoerfer et al., 2017).

Contradictory Goals and Fragmentation

Systemic reforms and personal actions often have divergent timelines and objectives, creating contradictions in efforts. For instance, while structural changes might focus on developing sustainable infrastructure, individual actions might emphasise short-term solutions like reducing personal waste. This misalignment can hinder progress by creating friction between stakeholders, as observed in the disconnect between grassroots initiatives and global policy frameworks (Meadows, 2008).

Accountability and Responsibility Challenges

When all levels of action are pursued in parallel, accountability becomes fragmented. Governments and corporations may shift blame to individuals for insufficient personal actions, while individuals critique systemic inertia. This “blame game” not only slows progress but also erodes public trust, making collective action more challenging (Porter & Kramer, 2011).

Inequities in Outcomes

Parallel approaches risk exacerbating social inequities. Personal actions often rely on individual resources – such as wealth, time, and knowledge – which are unequally distributed. Structural changes and systemic reforms, if not prioritised, fail to address these underlying inequities, as seen in cases where sustainable initiatives disproportionately benefit privileged groups (Raworth, 2017).

Slower Momentum for Systemic Change

Efforts at systemic reform can lose urgency when personal actions create a false impression of sufficient progress. This phenomenon is particularly evident in sustainability movements, where individual actions like recycling are celebrated but fail to address systemic issues like industrial waste management (Ellen MacArthur Foundation, 2013). Such misaligned timelines and narratives can stall broader reform efforts.

Psychological and Social Impacts

The emphasis on personal responsibility, without clear systemic support, can lead to individual burnout and apathy. Overwhelmed by the scale of issues, many individuals disengage from action altogether, further complicating efforts for collective change. Moreover, a lack of clarity on the sequence of actions can deepen polarization among stakeholders, as seen in debates surrounding climate justice and energy equity (Heffron & McCauley, 2018).

Treating systemic reforms, structural changes, and personal actions as parallel rather than sequential processes risks inefficiency, misalignment, and inequity.

In contrast, the PASS framework emphasises the foundational priority of addressing systemic inequities first, recognising that systemic reforms create the necessary conditions for effective structural changes and personal actions. By tackling systemic issues, the framework reinforces and enables the subsequent implementation of structural reforms, which in turn empower personal actions to drive meaningful, long-term sustainability. By building on established models like the Triple Bottom Line and Circular Economy, the PASS framework offers a more holistic and actionable roadmap that goes beyond simultaneous action, positioning long-term systemic change as the critical starting point.

Purushu Arie’s Sustainability Sequence (PASS)

The Purushu Arie’s Sustainability Sequence (PASS) is structured into three interconnected steps: systemic (primary), structural (secondary), and personal (tertiary). Each step represents a critical stage of influence, where changes at one step enable and reinforce the next, creating a cohesive pathway for sustainable development.

1. Systemic Priorities (Primary: The Essential Prerequisites for Sustainability)

Systemic priorities form the foundational step in achieving sustainability, addressing deep-rooted societal inequalities and economic imbalances that hinder sustainable practices. These priorities include equitable policies, governance reforms, and wealth redistribution – critical changes that lay the groundwork for effective structural and personal actions. By addressing the root causes of environmental and social challenges, systemic change creates a ripple effect, setting the stage for long-term sustainability.

For instance, policies that prioritise renewable energy funding can reduce the cost of eco-conscious products, making them more accessible and driving their widespread adoption. Such systemic changes not only influence industries but also empower individuals by creating the conditions for eco-conscious consumption to thrive.

Addressing systemic inequalities – such as unequal access to resources and power imbalances – is crucial for shifting unsustainable practices. Without these foundational changes, efforts to alter consumer behavior or industrial practices will likely fall short. As noted by Niinimäki (2017) and Muthu (2018), systemic issues like socio-economic inequality and resource distribution often perpetuate the over-exploitation of resources and marginalisation in global supply chains. To achieve substantial and enduring sustainability, these systemic issues must be addressed through governance reforms, social justice policies, and equitable resource distribution. Sachs (2012) reinforces this by stating that without addressing these systemic priorities first, changes at the structural and personal levels are unlikely to succeed.

2. Structural Priorities (Secondary: Implementing Sustainable Systems)

Structural priorities represent the next step in Purushu Arie’s Sustainability Sequence, following the foundational systemic changes. These priorities focus on translating systemic reforms into actionable practices within both formal and informal institutional frameworks. They are crucial for making sustainability initiatives feasible, scalable, and operational within organisations, industries, and broader societal contexts.

Why Structural Priorities Follow Systemic Changes: Structural priorities depend on the foundational reforms established at the systemic level, such as policies, regulations, and economic shifts, to be effectively implemented. For example, industries’ commitments to reduce carbon emissions often rely on systemic measures like carbon pricing or renewable energy subsidies. Structural priorities bridge the gap between abstract policy reforms and practical applications, embedding these principles within industries and organisational practices. This transformation helps turn broad environmental goals into tangible outcomes.

Structural priorities involve both formal institutional reforms and informal collective actions. On the institutional side, these reforms include transitioning to circular economies, adopting sustainable manufacturing processes, and upholding ethical labour standards. On the other hand, grassroots movements and community-based initiatives complement these formal changes by spreading sustainability practices more widely. Together, these efforts ensure sustainability becomes operational across industries and communities.

A critical component of structural priorities is the shift towards a circular economy, where resource consumption is minimised through recycling, reuse, and sustainable sourcing (Fletcher, 2014). At this level, organisations must adopt eco-friendly materials, implement energy-efficient production processes, and strengthen corporate social responsibility (CSR) initiatives. Additionally, ensuring corporate transparency, fair treatment of workers, and equitable resource distribution in global supply chains are essential to ensure industries contribute positively to sustainable development (Cline, 2012; Zhan & Zhang, 2019). These actions help organisations operationalise sustainability and catalyse broader shifts towards responsible industry-wide practices (Geissdoerfer et al., 2017).

In summary, structural priorities are critical in moving sustainability from policy to practice. By translating systemic reforms into actionable steps within industries and organisations, these priorities are vital in driving large-scale, transformative change.

3. Personal Priorities (Tertiary: Adopting a Sustainable Lifestyle)

Personal priorities, the final step of Purushu Arie’s Sustainability Sequence, focus on individual actions like conscious consumption, waste reduction, and lifestyle choices. While these actions are essential for driving sustainability, their effectiveness is amplified when supported by systemic and structural changes. As the tertiary component in the sequence, personal priorities build on the foundation laid by systemic and structural reforms to achieve their full potential.

Why Personal Actions Are Tertiary: Personal priorities are placed last in the sequence because their impact is limited without the foundational support from systemic and structural changes. For instance, consumers may wish to buy eco-friendly products, but their ability to make sustainable choices is often constrained by availability and affordability – factors shaped by systemic policies and structural frameworks. Personal actions gain greater momentum when embedded within an ecosystem of equity and feasibility established by prior levels.

While personal responsibility plays a crucial role in sustainability, it becomes meaningful only when reinforced by systemic and structural frameworks. Without the enabling environment created by these earlier levels, individual actions lack the scalability and long-term impact required for genuine change.

At the individual level, personal sustainability is reflected in conscious consumer choices and lifestyle changes, such as adopting resource-conserving behaviors, reducing waste, and improving energy efficiency (Joy et al., 2012). Consumers can also influence sustainability by choosing eco-friendly products, reducing overall consumption, and supporting companies that prioritize sustainable practices. These shifts in consumer demand can, in turn, push corporate practices and policy decisions towards greater sustainability (Cline, 2012).

Although personal actions alone cannot resolve broader systemic and structural challenges, they can accelerate change by signaling demand for more sustainable products and services. In this way, personal priorities complement systemic and structural reforms, providing the consumer-driven push that reinforces the broader momentum for sustainability (Cline, 2012; Joy et al., 2012).

Interdependence of Priorities in the Sequential Framework

The Purushu Arie’s Sequence of Sustainability integrates systemic, structural, and personal priorities into an interdependent framework where each step plays a critical role. Rather than ranking these steps hierarchically, the sequence highlights their interconnectedness and the importance of addressing priorities in a logical order. This interdependence creates a dynamic feedback loop where each level strengthens the others, fostering a scalable and holistic approach to sustainability (Meadows, 2008; Swyngedouw, 2005).

Systemic-Structural Linkages

Systemic priorities, such as equitable policies and economic restructuring, provide the foundation for structural changes. For instance, systemic interventions like carbon pricing encourage industries to adopt sustainable technologies, linking systemic frameworks with practical outcomes (Porter & Kramer, 2011).

Structural changes, in turn, validate systemic reforms by demonstrating their feasibility and effectiveness. This cyclical relationship reinforces the need for robust policies that drive sustainable development (Folke et al., 2010).

Structural-Personal Synergy  

Structural priorities bridge the gap between systemic reforms and individual actions. For example, transparent supply chains and ethical sourcing empower consumers to make informed choices (Bocken et al., 2016). As demand for sustainable products grows, industries scale up innovation, further reinforcing structural changes.

This synergy demonstrates how accessible and affordable eco-friendly options encourage individual adoption, creating a feedback loop that accelerates systemic and structural reforms.

Personal-Systemic Interactions

While personal actions are tertiary, they influence systemic change through collective consumer behaviour. For example, widespread demand for sustainable products can drive legislative changes, such as stricter environmental regulations or subsidies for renewable energy (Allen & Wright, 2013).

This mutual reinforcement ensures that systemic frameworks support sustainable behaviours while individual actions create public pressure for systemic reform. Ethical fashion movements exemplify this dynamic, where consumer demand has led to enhanced transparency and environmental standards (UN, 2015).

Balancing the Priorities

The interplay of systemic, structural, and personal priorities is essential for meaningful sustainability. Systemic reforms provide the foundation, structural changes translate them into actionable frameworks, and personal actions amplify their impact. This interdependence ensures that no priority operates in isolation.

Only through the combined efforts of all three levels can scalable and impactful sustainability be achieved (Elkington, 1997; UN, 2015).

Key Implications of the Sequence

The Purushu Arie Sustainability Sequence (PASS) framework redefines the path to sustainability by prioritising a structured and interconnected approach. Systemic reforms are positioned as the foundation of the sequence, recognising that meaningful sustainability begins with addressing the underlying inequities within institutions and social structures. Research highlights that systemic inequalities are significant barriers to sustainability, as they exacerbate resource exploitation and environmental degradation (Raworth, 2017). By tackling these inequities, the framework establishes an enabling environment where subsequent structural and personal actions can achieve greater impact. The sequential nature of the framework prevents the fragmentation of efforts, ensuring that foundational changes are in place before broader sustainability goals are pursued (Meadows, 2008).

Secondly, the sequence enhances resource allocation and impact by prioritising actions that yield the greatest leverage. Studies on leverage points in systems thinking suggest that directing resources to transformative interventions – such as policy reforms or institutional restructuring – creates ripple effects that improve sustainability outcomes at every level (Meadows, 1999). By aligning actions in a sequential order, the PASS framework avoids redundant or competing efforts, enabling a coordinated and scalable approach to sustainable development.

A third implication concerns the transition from symbolic to meaningful personal actions. Existing literature critiques the limited impact of individual behavioural changes when pursued in isolation, emphasising the need for systemic and structural support to amplify their effects (Shove, 2010). Within the PASS framework, personal actions are embedded within a larger context of systemic reforms, transforming individual behaviour into a cohesive demand for broader change. This approach aligns with findings that personal accountability becomes more impactful when linked to systemic enablers such as infrastructure and policy reforms (Stern, 2000).

Fourth, the framework challenges the hierarchical valuation of actions by emphasising their interdependence. Although the sequence prioritises systemic reforms, it does not diminish the importance of structural or personal actions. The interrelationship between these stages reflects broader sustainability models, such as the Triple Bottom Line, which advocate for balancing social, environmental, and economic dimensions (Elkington, 1997). PASS builds on this principle by illustrating how systemic reforms create the conditions for structural changes, which further empower personal actions, fostering a feedback loop that amplifies progress across all levels.

Finally, the framework advances equity and resilience by situating systemic reforms at the core of sustainability efforts. Addressing systemic inequities early in the sequence aligns with principles of just transition, which call for sustainability strategies that prioritise social justice and inclusivity (Heffron & McCauley, 2018). By embedding equity into its foundation, the PASS framework ensures that sustainability is not only environmentally robust but also socially transformative. This holistic approach fosters long-term resilience, recognising that inclusive systemic reforms are prerequisites for achieving meaningful and equitable sustainability outcomes.

Existing Frameworks in Sustainability

Sustainability frameworks address complex and multifaceted environmental, social, and economic challenges across industries. These models typically emphasise the interconnectedness of ecological, social, and economic factors, offering comprehensive approaches to sustainability. Notable frameworks include:

Triple Bottom Line (TBL)

Introduced by John Elkington (1997), the TBL highlights three key pillars: People, Planet, and Profit. It encourages organisations to evaluate their success not only financially but also in social and environmental terms.

Strengths: The TBL provides a holistic framework for corporate responsibility.

Limitations: It has been critiqued for fostering a “trade-off” mentality, whereby economic factors are often prioritised over social and environmental considerations (Meyer, 2009).

Circular Economy

Popularised by the Ellen MacArthur Foundation, the Circular Economy advocates for reducing, reusing, and recycling resources, promoting a closed-loop system (Geissdoerfer et al., 2017).

Strengths: This model challenges the traditional linear production model and seeks to minimise waste.

Limitations: The implementation of circular systems is constrained by technological, regulatory, and infrastructural challenges (Bocken et al., 2016).

Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs)

Adopted by the United Nations in 2015, the SDGs consist of 17 goals aimed at eradicating poverty, promoting equity, and protecting the environment by 2030 (United Nations, 2015).

Strengths: The SDGs offer a universally recognised framework with measurable targets for global sustainability.

Limitations: Criticism of the SDGs includes their broad scope, lack of enforceability, and insufficient attention to systemic inequalities (Sachs, 2012).

Purushu Arie’s Sustainability Sequence: A Holistic Approach

Purushu Arie’s Sustainability Sequence (PASS) refines existing frameworks by offering a multi-layered approach that foregrounds systemic inequality, integrates industry and governance reforms, and addresses personal actions within a sequenced process.

Key differences and improvements over existing models include:

Focus on Systemic Inequality

Unlike the TBL and SDGs, which often overlook the structural causes of sustainability challenges, PASS explicitly recognises economic inequality as a critical barrier to sustainable consumption (Niinimäki, 2017; Muthu, 2018).

Improvement: By addressing systemic inequality, PASS ensures that sustainability efforts are rooted in equity, making the model more inclusive and equitable.

Integration of Industry and Governance

While the Circular Economy focuses primarily on resource efficiency and product life cycle, PASS incorporates governance and industry reforms, including ethical labour practices, responsible sourcing, and sustainable production (Joy et al., 2012; Zhan & Zhang, 2019).

Improvement: This integration provides a more holistic approach, ensuring that sustainability is not only confined to product design but is embedded throughout the production process.

Layered Approach to Personal Impact

Many sustainability frameworks overemphasise the role of consumer behaviour (Cline, 2012). In contrast, PASS stresses that individual actions can only be meaningful when supported by broader systemic and structural reforms.

Improvement: The sequenced, layered approach ensures that individual efforts can lead to tangible change, as they are aligned with structural and systemic reforms.

Holistic and Interconnected Change  

PASS views sustainability as a dynamic, interconnected system, where progress in one domain (e.g., economic equity) catalyses advancements in others (e.g., environmental protection).

Improvement: This interconnected perspective ensures that sustainability initiatives work synergistically across sectors.

Conclusion

The Purushu Arie’s Sustainability Sequence (PASS) framework offers a comprehensive and interconnected approach to achieving holistic sustainable development. By prioritising systemic reforms, such as policy changes and addressing economic inequality, it establishes the groundwork for structural shifts within industries and ensures that personal actions, like eco-conscious consumption, align with larger sustainability efforts.

Unlike existing models that often treat these priorities as isolated, simultaneous, or parallel, PASS frames them as a sequence where systemic priorities enable structural changes, which in turn facilitate personal actions. This progressive approach provides a clear and dynamic roadmap for scaling sustainability, connecting systemic, structural, and personal priorities into a unified pathway for long-term impact. In doing so, it paves the way for a more inclusive, equitable, and effective model of sustainable development.

References

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Purushu Arie’s Sustainable Fashion Affordability Paradox Loop is a framework that illustrates a critical cycle in the fashion industry:
Without socio-economic equality, ethical production practices inherently raise product prices, making them unaffordable for the masses. This creates a self-reinforcing loop where the majority is forced towards more affordable, unsustainable fast fashion consumption. Due to the affordability paradox loop, socio-economic equality is a prerequisite for achieving true sustainability in fashion.

Abstract

Without socio-economic equality, ethical production practices designed to promote environmental and social responsibility simultaneously increase product costs, making sustainable fashion unaffordable for most consumers. This results in a self-reinforcing loop where socio-economic inequality drives low-income groups toward cheap, unsustainable fast fashion, perpetuating environmental degradation and labor exploitation. The paradox loop illustrates how inaccessibility of what is marketed as sustainable fashion, reinforces the very consumption patterns it seeks to change. Breaking this cycle is essential to fostering systemic change. Addressing underlying socio-economic inequalities is foundational to democratising access to ethical fashion and enabling sustainable consumption across all income levels.

Introduction

The fashion industry, one of the most resource-intensive sectors globally, is a significant contributor to environmental degradation, waste, and socio-economic disparity (Gwilt & Rissanen, 2011; Fletcher & Tham, 2014). In response to these challenges, sustainable fashion has emerged as a movement aimed at reconciling aesthetic appeal with ethical responsibility (Fletcher, 2014; Muthu, 2018). However, the ethical production practices designed to mitigate harm often render sustainable products inaccessible to the majority of consumers (Cline, 2012; Bick, Halsey, & Ekenga, 2018).

Fair Practices Raise Prices

Ethical fashion relies on fair wages, better labor conditions, and eco-friendly materials, which elevate production costs. These practices, while essential for reducing exploitation and environmental harm, contribute to the pricing disparity between sustainable and fast fashion.

– Fair wages: The move toward equitable labor compensation significantly increases operational expenses, especially in regions where fast fashion production thrives on low-wage economies (Kara, 2018; Rosen & Yip, 2015).
– Eco-friendly materials: Sourcing organic and recycled textiles is more expensive than using conventional materials, with higher initial costs reflecting stricter standards and certifications (Gwilt & Rissanen, 2011; Goworek & McGoldrick, 2017).
– Production methods: Ethical practices such as localised manufacturing or slow fashion require greater investments in infrastructure and quality control, adding further layers of cost (Niinimäki, 2017; Holmes & Ward, 2017).

Studies reveal that price remains a leading determinant in consumer purchasing decisions, with affordability being a key barrier to adopting sustainable fashion (Joy et al., 2012; Gould & Watkins, 2019).

Socio-Economic Inequality Drives Fast Fashion

The global economy’s deep socio-economic inequalities limit access to ethical fashion for large segments of the population. Lower-income consumers often prioritise immediate affordability, turning to fast fashion brands that cater to these financial constraints.

– Low production costs: Fast fashion brands rely on economies of scale, mass production techniques, and exploitatively low wages to produce garments cheaply (Bick, Halsey, & Ekenga, 2018; Elliott, 2018).
– Consumer culture: The rise of disposable fashion reflects a broader societal emphasis on instant gratification and low-cost trends, reinforcing unsustainable practices (Black, 2012; Joy et al., 2012).
– Accessibility gap: Socio-economic disparities leave many consumers without viable alternatives to unsustainable options, perpetuating a cycle of overconsumption and waste (Barnes, 2015; Muthu, 2018).

Empirical evidence demonstrates that addressing these income disparities is crucial for disrupting the dominance of fast fashion (Rosen & Yip, 2015; Kim, 2019).

The Sustainable Fashion Paradox Loop

The paradox at the heart of Purushu Arie’s Sustainable Fashion Affordability Loop lies in the tension between the ethical production practices necessary for sustainability and the socio-economic inequalities that render these practices inaccessible to the majority. While ethical fashion aims to address social and environmental harm, its higher costs – driven by fair wages and eco-friendly processes – push it beyond the reach of those most in need of its benefits. This dynamic creates a self-reinforcing loop: sustainable fashion’s affordability barrier forces lower-income consumers to continue relying on fast fashion, which perpetuates environmental degradation and labor exploitation. Consequently, sustainable fashion, while promoting positive change, inadvertently sustains the very consumption patterns it seeks to challenge. The contradiction is that true sustainability in fashion cannot be achieved without addressing the underlying socio-economic disparities that make ethical fashion a luxury, not a universal right.

Socio-economic inequality will continue to sustain demand for fast fashion, undermining ecological and social advancements (Fletcher & Tham, 2014; Kara, 2018). As such, the intersection of affordability, accessibility, and ethical production lies at the heart of the sustainable fashion dilemma (Horne & Gough, 2014; Goworek & McGoldrick, 2017).

Long-Term Sustainability Requires Addressing Inequality

To disrupt the Sustainable Fashion Affordability Paradox Loop, systemic changes are needed at multiple levels:

1. Economic policy interventions: Governments should offer subsidies or tax incentives to ethical brands, lowering production costs and enhancing affordability for consumers (Niinimäki, 2017; Horne & Gough, 2014).
2. Consumer education: Awareness campaigns emphasizing the environmental and social costs of fast fashion can influence consumer behavior, encouraging shifts toward sustainability (Cline, 2012; Black, 2012).
3. Corporate accountability: Larger fashion companies must embrace economies of scale to reduce the cost differential between sustainable and fast fashion (Kara, 2018; Fletcher, 2014).
4. Innovative production models: Emphasising circular economies, co-operative frameworks, or repairable goods can lower costs while supporting sustainability (Gwilt & Rissanen, 2011; Goworek & McGoldrick, 2017).

Breaking this loop will require coordinated efforts across public, private, and consumer domains, ensuring that ethical fashion is no longer a luxury but an accessible necessity (Elliott, 2018; Holmes & Ward, 2017).

Conclusion

Purushu Arie’s Sustainable Fashion Affordability Paradox Loop illustrates how the higher costs of ethical production, driven by socio-economic inequality, create a self-reinforcing cycle that perpetuates unsustainable consumption in the fashion industry. While ethical production is crucial for sustainability, its benefits will remain limited unless structural inequalities are addressed. Achieving true sustainability requires ensuring equitable access to affordable ethical products for all consumers. By tackling socio-economic disparities and promoting inclusive policies, sustainable fashion can evolve from an idealistic concept into a practical solution that is accessible to everyone (Fletcher, 2014; Boström & Klintman, 2018).

References

1. Fletcher, K. (2014). Sustainable Fashion and Textiles: Design Journeys, Earthscan.

2. Gwilt, A., & Rissanen, T. (2011). Shaping Sustainable Fashion: Changing the Way We Make and Use Clothes, Earthscan.

3. Bick, R., Halsey, E., & Ekenga, C. K. (2018). The global environmental injustice of fast fashion, Environmental Health, 17(1), 92.

4. Cline, E. L. (2012). Overdressed: The Shockingly High Cost of Cheap Fashion, Portfolio.

5. Joy, A., Sherry, J. F., Venkatesh, A., Wang, J., & Chan, R. (2012). Fast Fashion, Sustainability, and the Ethical Appeal of Luxury Brands, Fashion Theory, 16(3), 273-295.

6. Black, S. (2012). The Sustainable Fashion Handbook. Thames & Hudson.

7. Niinimäki, K. (2017). Sustainable Fashion in a Circular Economy, Cambridge Scholars Publishing.

8. Barnes, L. (2015). Fashion and Sustainability: Design for Change, Laurence King Publishing.

9. Muthu, S. S. (2018). Sustainability in Fashion: A Cradle to Cradle Approach, Springer.

10. Kara, S. (2018). The Ethical Fashion Paradox: Sustainability in the Global Fashion Industry, Springer.

11. Fletcher, K., & Tham, M. (2014). Fashion and Sustainability: Understanding the Fashion Industry’s Impact on the Environment, Routledge.

12. Boström, M., & Klintman, M. (2018). Sustainability and the Global Fashion Industry: Social and Environmental Challenges, Springer.

13. Elliott, A. (2018). The Globalization of the Fashion Industry: A Critical Analysis, Oxford University Press.

14. Rosen, J., & Yip, A. (2015). The Fashion Industry and the Economy: The Impact of Globalization, Routledge.

15. Gould, S. J., & Watkins, K. (2019). Addressing the Sustainability Gap in Fashion, Cambridge University Press.

16. Horne, R. E., & Gough, T. (2014). The Challenge of Sustainability in Fashion, Harvard University Press.

17. Kim, A. (2019). Ethical Fashion in a Globalized World, MIT Press.

18. Holmes, L., & Ward, S. (2017). Global Fast Fashion and Consumerism: A Study of Economic Drivers, Taylor & Francis.

19. Goworek, H., & McGoldrick, P. (2017). Sustainable Clothing Consumption: A review of research and policy, Journal of Fashion Marketing and Management, 21(4), 434-447.

The post Purushu Arie’s Sustainable Fashion Affordability Paradox Loop appeared first on Purushu Arie | Tamil Streetwear, Veshtis, Lungis & Sarees.

The influence of the caste system on clothing and appearance can be traced back to several millenniums. Dharmasutras dating to the 1st millennium BCE document some of the earliest examples of varna and jati specific clothing. According to Manusmriti, the Chandala shall live outside the village; wear garments of the dead, and ornaments of black iron.

The clothes of dead bodies shall be their (Chandalas’) dress; they shall eat in broken dishes; their ornaments shall be of iron, and they shall be constantly wandering.

– Manusmriti 10.52

As guidelines for Upanayana, Dharmasutras state that the skins of black antelopes, spotted deer, and he-goats shall be worn by Brahmin, Kshatriya, & Vaisya respectively for covering the upper body. The janeu worn over shoulders should be made of cotton for the Brahmin, hemp for Kshatriya, and wool for Vaisya.

For the Kṣatriya, dyed in Mañjiṣṭhā; for the Vaiśya, dyed in Haridrā; for the Brāhmaṇa, the skin of the white or black deer; for the Kṣatriya, the skin of the spotted deer; for the Vaiśya, the skin of the goat; the sheep-skin for all castes; as also the woollen cloth; if the student is desirous of Brāhmic glory, he should wear the skins alone; if desirous of Kṣattric glory, he should wear the cloths alone; if desirous of both kinds of glory, he should wear both.

– Āpastamba-Dharmasūtra, 1.3.1-9

In Chozha sculptures dating to the early medieval era, Shaivite Nayanmars of Brahmin castes like Sambandhar, Sundharar, and Manikkavasagar are depicted wearing the janeu/poonool – a marker of varna which is absent among sculptures of non-Brahmin Nayanmar saints like Kannappar of Vyadha (hunter) caste or Appar (Thirunavukkarasar) of Vellalar community.

However, saint Nandhanar, a Pulayar (an untouchable caste), is depicted wearing the poonool/janeu in visual arts. Thiruthondar Thogai, an 8th-century compilation listing Saiva sect Nayanars, makes a one-line reference to Nandhanar (also known as Thirunaalaippovar,) as one of the Nayanars who was longing to enter the temple. 11th-century Thamizh Saivite text Thiruthondar Thiruvanthathi states that Thirunaalaippovar was a Pulayar, an outcaste by birth, who sought access to the Shivaloganathar temple in Thiruppungur and the Nataraja temple in Chidambaram. The Periya Puranam (12th century CE), composed several centuries after the time of Nandhanar appropriates the protest of Nandhanar by adding that he gains access to temple worship only after his caste-oppressed Pulaya body is ‘purified’ by the sacrificial fire, and he reappeared like a Brahmin sage from the fire, wearing matted hair and poonool across his chest. The Periya Puranam account of Nandhanar reinforces the supremacy of wearing poonool/janeu while leaving the ban of Pulayars in the temple unchallenged. Dr BR Ambedkar dedicated his book The Untouchables (1948), to three Dalit saints, including Nandhanar.

Guru Nanak (1469-1539), the founder of Sikhism refused to wear the janeu citing it was discriminatory towards castes lower in the varna hierarchy, denounced the varna system, and preached equality regardless of caste or gender. In the modern era, the poonool is worn by some Shudra castes and astrologers of certain Dalit communities too – this trickledown trend aping the lifestyle of dominant castes arise from the ambition to move up the caste ladder and only reaffirms the prevalent ritualistic authority of the janeu.

By the medieval period, the number of sub-castes multiplied and clothing developed a complex relationship with caste. Nairs dressed differently from Namboothiri Brahmins. Queen of Travancore dressed differently from Maharani from Rajputana. Peshwa rulers dressed differently from Marathas. Ashrafs dressed differently from Muslims who were local converts. People of oppressed castes dressed scantily for centuries, while the oppressors were often chiefly bejewelled. Thanda Pulayans were a sub-caste of Pulayans who lived in South Malabar and Cochin. Their name is derived from the lower garment worn by the females, which was made of the leaves of sedge, called Thanda. Thanda leaves are woven and tied around the waist to hang down below the knees. Married Thanda Pulayan women wore a thaali (mangalsutra) made of a piece of a conch shell.

Thanda Pulayans like many other untouchable castes were destitute of upper-body covering. It was considered disrespectful for a person to cover their upper body in the presence of higher people in the caste hierarchy. In the book “A Voyage to the East Indies” published in 1772, Grose of East India Company mentions that a woman who lived in a European settlement for some time and conformed to the European fashion had continued the concealment of her breasts in presence of the Queen of Attinga. The queen who herself was bare-breasted, ordered the woman’s breasts to be cut off for daring to appear before her with such a mark of disrespect to the established manners of the country.

Indian people left their upper body bare for most of their clothing history; however, this practice changed after the influx of Islamic and European clothing ideals. The aristocrats, wealthy merchants, and bureaucrats who directly worked under Europeans were the earliest to adopt Western clothing and fashion trends. By the 19th century, the practice of covering the upper body became a status symbol among the dominant castes in the Kingdom of Travancore and women of backward & untouchable castes were prohibited from covering their upper body in public. Only Brahmin men & women who enjoyed the supreme status in the varna hierarchy were allowed to cover their upper body at all times. Even women of other dominant castes like Nair who covered their upper body had to keep their breasts bare in presence of Brahmins. The Brahminical kingdom of Travancore imposed Mulakkaram/breast tax on the women of Nadar, Ezhavar and other marginalised castes if they covered their breasts. Nangeli, an Ezhava woman who lived in the early 19th century in the princely state of Travancore protested the caste-based breast tax by cutting off her breasts. Today, the village Nangeli comes from is called Mulachhipuram or the land of the woman with breasts, honouring Nangeli’s protest and sacrifice.

A series of resistance movements from 1813 to 1859 known as the Channar Revolt was led by Nadar women for their right to cover the upper body. In 1813, Christian Nadar women successfully campaigned for their right to cover their breasts with the kuppayam, a type of long-sleeved blouse worn by Syrian Christians and Mappila Muslims. Nadar women were still forbidden to wear garments resembling the styles worn by Nair or Namboothiri women. Violence against Nadar women continued to prevail for exercising their right to cover the torso.

“some converted Christian women were stripped of even the undergarments and were forced to parade in the public. Numberless instances of molesting, houses set on fire, and physical attacks worsened the living conditions of the converted Christians” (Rajan 2020: 25).

The Channar revolt turned violent in 1859 when Travancore officials tied two Nadar women with rope and hung them from a tree in public for covering their breasts. Following violent protests, the king issued a proclamation allowing Nadar women to cover their upper body in styles that doesn’t resemble the clothing worn by women of dominant castes.

The Brahminical kingdom of Travancore imposed various taxes specific to clothing and appearance, particularly on the marginalised communities. Meesha kazhcha was a cess levied on the backward and Dalit castes for growing moustaches. Meniponnu was a tax imposed upon the Ezhava & Vannar communities for wearing golden ornaments. Kodapirathi bore similarities to Meniponnu where individuals lower in the caste hierarchy had to pay taxes for wearing silver ornaments. Women of Pulayar castes wore Kallumala – a chain of stone beads made of carved granite that symbolised their caste status. Perinad Mutiny or Kallumala Samaram (stone necklace protest) that took place on 24 October 1915 was a massive social agitation led by the Pulayar community for their right to dress with dignity and break free from the chains of caste markers. The protest was amplified by Mahatma Ayyankali who held a historical meeting in Kollam and called upon Pulayar women to wear blouses and give up the kallumala which symbolised their slavery. Pulaya women cut & threw away the Kallumala to assert their right to cover the upper body and wear metal ornaments. The Breast Tax (Mulakkaram in Malayalam) prohibiting women of marginalised castes from covering their upper body continued to prevail in the Kingdom of Travancore until it was abolished in 1924.

In the revolutionary text “Annihilation of Caste” published in 1936, Dr BR Ambedkar cites several examples of the manifestation of caste through clothing and attire. Dr Ambedkar writes, “Under the rule of the Peshwas in the Maratha country, the untouchable was not allowed to use the public streets if a Hindu was coming along, lest he should pollute the Hindu by his shadow. The untouchable was required to have a black thread either on his wrist or around his neck, as a sign or a mark to prevent the Hindus from getting themselves polluted by his touch by mistake. In Poona, the capital of the Peshwa, the untouchable was required to carry, strung from his waist, a broom to sweep away from behind himself the dust he trod on, lest a Hindu walking on the same dust should be polluted. In Poona, the untouchable was required to carry an earthen pot hung around his neck wherever he went—for holding his spit, lest his spit falling on the earth should pollute a Hindu who might unknowingly happen to tread on it.” Babasaheb also mentions the tyranny practised by caste-Hindus upon the Balais, a Dalit community in central India. Dr Ambedkar comments, “Balais must not wear gold-lace-bordered pugrees. They must not wear dhotis with coloured or fancy borders. Balai women must not wear gold or silver ornaments; they must not wear fancy gowns or jackets. If the Balais do not agree to abide by these terms, they must clear out of the villages.” In the same essay, Babasaheb mentions another instance where the Sonars wore dhotis with folds and used the word namaskar for salutation. Dr Ambedkar states that “Both the folded way of wearing the “dhoti” and the namaskar were special to the Brahmins. The Brahmins did not like this imitation and this attempt by Sonars to pass off as Brahmins. Under the authority of the Peshwas, the Brahmins successfully put down this attempt on the part of the Sonars to adopt the ways of the Brahmins. They even got the President of the Councils of the East India Company’s settlement in Bombay to issue a prohibitory order against the Sonars residing in Bombay.”

In Tamil Nadu, Periyar EV Ramasamy and members of Dravidar Kazhagam infamously wore black shirts to protest Brahminical hegemony and the superstitions prevalent in Thamizh society. According to ancient Sanskrit literature, the colour white represents “sattva” or purity whereas black is related to “tamas” denoting qualities like ignorance, dullness, and greed. Several verses of Rig Veda identifies white as the colour of Arya whereas black is associated with Dasas and Dasyus – the antithesis of Arya. According to Mahabharata, sage Bhrigu codified varnas in form of colours where Brahmin was white, Kshatriya was red, Vaishya was yellow, and the Shudra was black. In visual arts of the modern era, asuras are almost always depicted through black or dark skin. The colour black evolved to be associated with various superstitions and was widely considered inauspicious in Tamil Nadu. In 1946, Thanthai Periyar called for his party members to wear black shirts which became a ubiquitous style statement of the Dravidian self-respect movement.

Periyar and members of Dravidar Kazhagam also used thundu as a symbol to fight casteism. Thundu, a towel worn by men on shoulders was characterised by caste-specific rules. It wasn’t acceptable for backward castes and outcastes to wear thundu on their shoulders in presence of people of dominant castes. They had to either tie the thundu on the waist or tuck it under the armpits. In contrast, Brahmins and aristocrats covered their shoulders with angavasthram –a silk or cotton shawl featuring ornamental borders made of zari or brocade. In the 1940s, Periyar attended an event where a group of musicians were performing. The artist playing Nadhaswaram was using a towel to wipe his sweaty forehead. After some time, he got tired of constantly picking up the towel and placed it on his shoulder for the sake of convenience. In those days, Nadhaswaram artists who were lower in the caste hierarchy were prohibited from wearing even shirts and had to perform bare-chested in public. The dominant caste patron of the event was outraged by the nadhaswaram artist’s act of placing the towel on the shoulder and ordering them to remove it immediately. Periyar condemned the incident and thereafter wore thundu as a protest against the manifestation of caste in clothing.

Read: Caste & Class Politics of Ponnadai/Thundu

Thanthai Periyar who devoted his life to the principles of rationalism, self-respect, women’s rights, and eradication of caste, also condemned the wedding ritual of tying thaali/mangalsutra which he correlated with casteism and patriarchy. To date, the thaali remains a popularly worn caste-marker designed exclusively according to one’s caste identity.

In the 21st century, white vetti-sattai has garnered the status of the respectable formal traditional attire of Thamizh men. The ankle-length white vetti itself isn’t prominent in the sculptures and fresco paintings of medieval Chozhas. However, white vetti featuring decorative borders worn in panchakachcham & mulakachcham style mark their arrival in Chozha murals which were restored by Telugu Nayaka rulers in the 16-17th century. Brahmins in Nayaka society wore panchakachcham dhoti where 18-feet fabric is draped around the waist with pleats in front and then the front pleats are passed in between the legs and tucked at back. Mulakachcham was a more simplified style of draping panchakachcham and was worn by Brahmins as well as other dominant non-Brahmin castes. Some Shudras who wore mulakachcham for wedding ceremonies called it kilpachchi. People lower in caste hierarchy wore vetti which was a rather short cloth simply tied around their waists in a tube-silhouette without passing it between the legs. A similar tubular waist-wrap lower garment known as mundu was also worn by people in Kerala, but the Namboothiri Brahmins & Nairs distinguished their mundu from that of oppressed castes with ornamental stripes on the border. During the colonial era, zamindars and bureaucrats who worked under the British combined ankle-length white dhotis and vettis with British clothing like blazers, jackets, and long coats. The ankle-length white vetti which symbolised the fashion of dominant castes over the years emerged as the honourable attire of Thamizh man in 80-90s Kollywood films which also propagated caste pride and supremacy. Thalaivar Rajinikanth wore pristine vetti-sattai in the film Yejaman where he played a village chieftain. Action hero Vijaykanth infamously wore white vetti-sattai in Chinna Gounder where he played a village landlord. Actor Sarathkumar donned the white vetti for the role of a village chief in the film Nattamai. Sarathkumar also sported the vetti-sattai look for the character Sakthivel Gounder in Suryavamsam. In the film, Thevar Magan, a London-educated Sakthivel played by Kamal Haasan, goes on to trade his western shirts and trousers for white vetti-sattai when he inherits his father’s role as the village chieftain. In the Mani Ratnam film Nayakan, actor Kamal Haasan sports the head-to-toe white vetti-sattai look for the character Velu Naicker, the vigilante gangster from Dharavi.

Unlike the white vetti, the checked lungi is subjected to taboo and stigma in several Thamizh movies despite the style having wider global recognition and trade history. In Thamizh films, lungis are often reduced to untidy costumes of goons or TASMAC dance sequences, thereby creating a stereotypical on-screen image for the garment.

Read: Lungi vs Vetti – Caste & Class Prejudice in the Clothing of Thamizh Cinema

In India, many movie halls, hotels, restaurants, and other elite spaces forbid wearing lungis. Lungi is unwelcomed in many temples across Tamil Nadu. In 2018, a local court in the Kishanganj district in Bihar issued a notice banning lungis on the court premises. The order was later overturned following public fury. In 2019, under the amended Motor Vehicles Act, the Uttar Pradesh government imposed a fine of Rs 2,000 if truck drivers & their helpers were found wearing lungis.

The checked lungi is as much of a swadeshi iconography as khadi is. Yet, wearing the lungi is frequently subjected to intolerance and prejudice. The politics of swadeshi is characterised by the very desi spirit of varnashrama. When MK Gandhi traded his western attire for the loincloth, it was about a twice-born man benefitting from caste & class-based discrimination rather than opposing it. The loincloth is a symbol of oppression that outcastes were forced into, whereas for Gandhi, it was a choice entitled by caste & class privilege. The loincloth was neither a choice nor an aspiration for people oppressed by caste – it simply did not provide any upward mobility for the outcastes. At its worst, Gandhi’s loincloth was an appropriation of poverty and misery that reduced historical oppression into a style statement. Subjugation faced by India’s marginalised castes wasn’t merely videshi, it was swadeshi too – it was brahminical.

Unlike Gandhi, Dr BR Ambedkar found his sartorial inspiration outside the varnashrama society. Dr Ambedkar’s blue three-piece suit not only symbolised progress and prosperity but liberation from the swadeshi system of caste. His revolutionary style statement challenged the historical norms of what a Dalit could or could not wear. The blue three-piece suit symbolised a movement away from archaic traditions toward modern casteless society.

Alex Scott-Samuel, a lecturer in public health at the University of Liverpool, UK stated that social inequalities like gender oppression are produced and sustained through gendered socialisation and norms. Casteism is produced, reproduced, and perpetuated in a similar cyclic pattern. In a casteist society, prevalent norms of brahminical patriarchy result in casteist socialisation which contributes to power inequalities leading to social inequalities which socially reproduces brahminical patriarchy. The chain of oppression is no stronger than its weakest link. Casteist socialisation is the weak-link binding the chains of caste oppression. Caste markers are very casually but deeply embedded in our everyday clothing and other socialisation norms. It is imperative to do away with all forms of casteist socialisation for the annihilation of caste.

Educate, agitate, and organise. – Dr B R Ambedkar

Read: Caste, Clothing, and The Bias Cut

Disclaimer: All of the above images are sourced from WikiCommons unless mentioned otherwise.

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1. BUILD A PERSONALITY

Our school life comes with a uniform dress code for us to understand and celebrate oneness. College offers the freedom to experiment, evolve, and identify who we are. Be you, because everyone else is already taken. Be you, because that’s the most original you can get.

2. GOOD-BYE FASHION MAGAZINES, HELLO ARTS & CULTURE

Let’s face the music, fashion magazines of our era are loaded with advertised fluff. One of the best decisions I made early in my career was to skip reading fashion magazines and instead spend more time studying art history, global cultures, and arts. The inspirations you can derive from arts and cultural history are endless.

3. INSPIRATION IS EVERYWHERE

Nature is the mother of all inspirations. Look around. The beach, the road, the metro station, the bus, the people, the clothes they’re wearing, the language they’re speaking… anything and everything you relate to can be a source of design inspiration. Observation is such an underrated quality in this world where we are busy making noise, wanting to be heard.

4. HARDWORK + SMARTWORK

We hear varying opinions about what’s more important – hard work or smart work. Management skills combining arts and science are key for a successful fashion designer. The fashion industry will require you to combine and integrate both hard work and smart work.

5. JACK OF ALL TRADES, MASTER OF SOME

Being a fashion designer is to learn trend forecasting, marketing, merchandising, management, illustrations, design software, textiles, arts and crafts… and tailoring of course. Young fashion professionals need to acquire as many skills as possible and continue to develop new skills with time – never stop learning!

6. CONNECT

Networking is an absolute necessity to work and survive in the world of fashion. Start building a professional network right from your fashion college days. Work and build upon those relationships for both personal and professional growth.

7. THINK GLOCAL

Have a global vision without forgetting your roots.

8. DESIGN FOR DIFFERENT MARKET SEGMENTS, & IDENTIFY YOUR STRENGTH

There are various market segments like RTW, couture, mass fashion, bridal, etc. Experiment with different styles, clients, and target markets and figure out what suits you the best.

9. LEARN TO ACCEPT CRITICISM

Constructive criticism is instrumental to our growth. Learning to accept criticism is a vital part for any individual regardless of profession – given the criticism is honest & sincere, and not aimed at bringing down your spirit. You will face negative feedback, but don’t take it to heart.

10. EMBRACE CHANGE

Because the only constant thing is change.

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There is a stark contrast in portrayal of the lungi and vetti in Thamizh cinema. The white vetti-sattai has enjoyed the status of respectable traditional attire of Thamizh film protagonists for many decades. Whereas, the Thamizh film industry largely reduced lungi into untidy costumes of goons or for TASMAC dance sequences, thereby creating a stereotypical on-screen image for the garment. However, renowned filmmakers like Pa Ranjith, Vetrimaaran, & Mari Selvaraj have catalysed a paradigm shift in portrayal of lungis in Thamizh cinema. In the Thamizh blockbuster Karnan, the protagonist Dhanush is clad in an array of printed and checked lungis as he bravely revolts against the systematic oppression of caste. Actor Dhanush also popularised lungis in critically acclaimed films like Aadukalam, Vada Chennai and Asuran. The versatile wasit-wrap garment emerged as a raging style statement on the silver-screen when superstar Rajinikanth adorned black kaili/lungi in the movie Kaala. With the recent spotlight on lungi in Thamizh films, the humble garment is challenging the inherent caste & class prejudices.

Both lungi and vetti are traditional Thamizh cultural garments which evolved from keeladai – a waist-wrapped lower garment worn by Thamizh people well until medieval era. White vettis with decorative borders are prominent in Chozha murals which were restored by Telugu Nayaka rulers in the 16-17th century. Brahmins and other dominant non-Brahmin castes of Nayaka society wore panchakachcham & mulakachcham dhotis which were draped around the waist with pleats in front, passed in between the legs and tucked at back. People lower in caste hierarchy wore a vetti which was a rather short cloth simply tied around their waists in tube-silhouette without passing it between the legs. During the colonial era, zamindars and bureaucrats who worked under the British combined ankle-length white dhotis and vettis with British clothing like blazers, jackets, and long coats.

The ankle-length white vetti which symbolised the fashion of dominant castes over the years emerged as the honourable attire of Thamizh man in 80-90s Kollywood films which also propagated caste pride and supremacy. Thalaivar Rajinikanth wore pristine vetti-sattai in the film Yejaman where he played a village chieftain. Action hero Vijaykanth infamously wore white vetti-sattai in Chinna Gounder where he played a village landlord. Actor Sarathkumar donned the white vetti for the role of village chief in the film Nattamai. Sarathkumar also sported the vetti-sattai look for the character Sakthivel Gounder in Suryavamsam. In the film Thevar Magan, a London-educated Sakthivel played by Kamal Haasan, goes on to trade his western shirts and trousers for white vetti-sattai when he inherits his father’s role of village chieftain. In the Mani Ratnam film Nayakan, actor Kamal Haasan sports the head-to-toe white vetti-sattai look for the character Velu Naicker, the vigilante gangster from Dharavi. Pa Ranjith’s Kaala, which is also set in Dharavi, goes on to reimagine the savarna gaze by dressing Rajinikanth in black kaili/lungi. In Mari Selvaraj’s Karnan, the elderly people who’re accustomed to the bullying of dominant castes wear vetti & thundu to dress on par with savarna supremacy. In contrary, the more rebellious youngsters of Puliyankulam are depicted in lungis – where the fabric symbolises their non-conformity to the established sartorial politics.

Lungi boasts of a far bigger trade history and global presence than vettis. As early as the 12th century, Thamizh traders exported small checked scarves to Middle-East where it was known by the Persian word “Loongee”. Waist-wrap garments known as “kaili” or “saaram” in Thamizh, was discovered by East India Company in the 17th century. Checked kaili was popularly worn by Muslim men, and was also cut up and made into tight-fitting bodices by Thamizh women. The checked kailis, exported as “Madras cotton” or “Madras checks” were among the most profitable textiles that were woven and exported from colonial India. Demand for lightweight & comfortable Madras cloth was so high in the West that the local European textile tycoons appealed to their governments to slow its import. Owing to the popularity of Madras checks, countries like Switzerland, Japan, and Korea manufactured “Imitation Madras” to which East India Company responded with “Real Madras Handkerchiefs” also known as RMHK. The Madras checks first reached the United States in the 18th century and later became a symbol of American luxury in the 1930s. Handkerchiefs & kailis were two main product lines of Madras cloth and by the 20th century, the demand for kaili surpassed the handkerchief counterpart, thereby resulting in the popularity of modern-day lungi. In 21st century, the lungi is a formal ceremonial wear in Myanmar. The waist-wrap garment is also popular across Islamic countries of middle-East, Africa, Bangladesh, Malaysia, and Indonesia, where Muslims wear lungis to the mosque – a garment in which they offer prayers.

In a striking contrast of perceptions, lungis are unwelcomed in many temples across India. Several movie halls, hotels, restaurants, and other elite spaces in India forbid wearing lungi. The clothing we wear is influenced by various socio-cultural factors including the caste and class structures. The positive portrayal of lungis in new-age Thamizh cinema is only a small but significant step in altering classist and casteist perceptions associated with clothing.

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Evolution & History of Gender Neutral Fashion and Clothing "Products do not have a gender identity, our minds do." - Purushu Arie, TEDxChennai 2018 Purushu Arie founded India's first exclusive ungendered fashion label in 2017. In this talk, Purushu revists fashion history to point out the omnipresent fluidity of gender expression in fashion.

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Trickle down fashion trends originate from elite sections of the society and trickles down to masses. Trickle down fashion trends are expensive upon introduction so that only the wealthy can afford it. The trend becomes affordable to general masses when its novelty wears out and the price falls gradually – by which time, the elite sections switch to new fashion trends – which again trickle down to masses with time, thereby enabling a continuous fashion cycle that flows from elite sections to lower economic classes.

In the film The Devil Wears Prada, Miranda Priestly cites trickle down trend of cerulean to defend the existence of fashion industry. In a snooty tone, Miranda Priestly explains: “In 2002, Oscar de la Renta did a collection of cerulean gowns. And then I think it was Yves Saint Laurent… wasn’t it who showed cerulean military jackets? ….. And then cerulean quickly showed up in the collections of eight different designers. And then it, uh, filtered down through the department stores and then trickled on down into some tragic Casual Corner where you, no doubt, fished it out of some clearance bin.”

But is the fashion of general masses always dictated by handful of elite fashion insiders like Miranda Priestly? NO.

Trickle Up Fashion Trends

Trickle up fashion trends are born among masses and flow from lower economic classes to affluent sections. Jeans are an omnipresent example of trickle up fashion trend – initially worn by miners, factory workers, and farmers, which gradually gained acceptance among larger audience and by 1970s jeans trickled up to become popular casual wear in America. T-shirt is another trickle-up style which was originally confined to blue-collar workers but evolved into must-have wardrobe staple due to its practicality and comfort.

Trickle Down Exclusivity vs Trickle Up Inclusivity

Trickle down fashion trends are exclusionary where a particular trend becomes undesirable the moment it reaches the masses. Trickle down fashion involves clear hierarchies of superordinate and subordinate roles where the former seeks to differentiate from the latter. In trickle down themes, elite classes protect status quo by exclusively playing the fashion innovators while general masses are assigned the role of fashion followers.

Unlike the exclusivity driven trickle down fashion, trickle up trends are born from inclusive cultural exchanges and unity of masses. While trickle down fashion isn’t even tolerant, trickle up fashion is accepting. Trickle down is fashion fascism whereas trickle up is freedom. Trickle up is freedom from trickle down elitism. It finds liberation in being inclusive. In a world where everyone wants to be different, the most different thing one can do is to celebrate oneness. Trickle up fashion’s celebration of oneness itself shouldn’t be mistaken for lack of individualism. Historically, trickle up revolutions like Punk, Hippie, Dravidian Self-Respect movement etc gave us new ideas that were individualistic, rebellious, liberating, experimental, and critical of tradition.

Trickle Across Fashion Theory

Mass production and mass communication has relatively democratisatised fashion. In the era of streetstyle and fashion influencers, fashion pundits give credence to trickle across fashion theory which states that fashion trends trickle down and trickle up simultaneously. In communication era, it is significant for a style to get social visibility through mediums like movies, pop culture, magazines etc for it to emerge as a trend. Despite the presence of democratic digital platforms, inclusivity still hasn’t reflected in power structures controlling fashion industry, and therefore, the inspirations continue to be largely elitist, urban, and white (or Brahminical in Indian context). Any attempt at drawing trickle up inspirations by such non-diverse white/Brahminical teams often leads to a case of cultural appropriation and theft with no representation of the community from whom the style/culture originated.

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Construct: Technical & Sustainable Upgrades Key silhouettes of Purushu Arie includes pre-tailored saris, vaettis, and lungis with quirky functional upgrades. SHOP Protect: Nature & Knowledge Purushu Arie remodels the inherent gender neutrality of traditional Indian silhouettes in contemporary outlook using the sustainable philosophies of reduce, reuse, and recycle. SHOP Destruct: Socio-Cultural Conditioning Purushu Arie's art envisions an inclusive multi-cultural realm that values the odyssey of individuality achieved by timely destruction and reconstruction of the conventions of past. SHOP CONSTRUCT PROTECT DESTRUCT DESIGN TO

madraswear ABOUT CONTACT BLOG PRESS CONNECT INCLUSIVE INTERSECTIONAL FASHION

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INCLUSIVE
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SECTIONAL
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Photography: A KUMAR

Intersectional inclusivity observes intersections of identities in a matrix of privileged & marginalised. Example: Gender, class, caste, age, appearance, sexuality etc combine to create overlapping and interdependent systems of privileges and disadvantages leading to disparities in representation. INCLUSIVITY

A standpoint is an individual's unique world perspective. Standpoint influences an individual's societal constructs. Inclusivity of standpoints is key to destruct rigid socio-cultural conditioning and norms. INDIVIDUALITY

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Madurai, also described as “Athens of South India” due to its ancient cultural heritage, is home to various Palaeolithic, Neolithic, and Megalithic sites. It was previously proposed that urbanisation of ancient Thamizhakam began with 3rd century BCE. In 2019, excavations from Keezhadi pushed the date behind to 600BCE. Carbon dating done on organic material retrieved from archeological excavations in Sivakalai, Thoothukudi district revealed that Thamirabarani civilisation in Tamil Nadu is at least 3,200 years old. Organic material found here – reportedly rice, in a pot – was dated to 1155 BC. Archeological report claimed that together with findings at Adichanallur and Korkai, dated to the ninth and eighth centuries BC, respectively, the discovery “firmly” establishes the existence of a mature civilisation along the Porunai (Thamirabarani) river. The remains of Prounai river civilisation debunks the theory that 2nd urbanisation of India started in Gangetic plains and later spread southwards. Knowledge of costume and clothing of Porunai river civilisation comes from Keezhadi archaeological excavations which include items of golden ornaments, ear ornaments, spindle whorls, terracotta beads, and semi-precious stones like agate, carnelian, crystal etc. Archeologists & historians have also speculated that ancient Thamizh country might have traded commodities like pearl, gemstone, textile, and perfumes with South-East Asian countries, Sri Lanka, Egypt, Rome, Greece and China.

CLOTHING OF VAIGAI VALLEY CIVILISATION

Excavations at Keezhadi include weaving tools like spindle whorls, bone-tip & copper needles, hanging stones of the yarn, terracotta spheres, and earthen vessels to hold liquid which clearly attest the various stages of weaving industry from spinning, yarning, looming and weaving, later for dyeing.

Unlike the weaving artefacts which has survived over thousands of years, the fabric itself doesn’t stand the test of time. However, Akam & Puram poetry of later Sangam era specify that people wore clothes called “Kalingam”. Puram states that people of ancient Thamizhakam wore clothes of spun cotton and silk. Akam also suggests that Ashoka tree leaves, punnai flowers, coconut fibre, animal hair (wool) were used for the purpose of clothing. With the evidence of weaving industry from Keezhadi excavations, it is likely that the clothing material culture mentioned in Sangam texts have been in use at least since 600BCE at Vaigai Valley Civilisation.

Excavations from another archaeological site Adhichanallur, about 15 kms from ancient Pandyan capital of Korkai contained various artefacts dating between 905 and 696 BCE. A palm size bronze figurine excavated from Adhichanallur, dating to 1000BCE featured waist-wrap costumes similar to Indus Valley figurines. References from Silapathikaram, Kalithokai and other Sangam works composed in 1st millennium CE confirm that women (like Kannagi and Madhavi) wore only lower garments from the loins downwards to the ankles. It is very likely that people who lived in Keezhadi during 600BCE primarily covered only the lower part of the body – a costume culture that’s evident in Adhichanallur figurine and survived well until the times of 1st millennium CE.

JEWELLERY & ORNAMENTS OF KEEZHADI

The occurrence of seven gold ornaments, copper articles, beads of gems, more than 4000 beads of semiprecious stones, glass beads, shell bangles, ivory bangle pieces, comb and terracotta objects indicate the cultural richness and economic prosperity of Keezhadi.

SIMILARITIES BETWEEN PORUNAI (THAMIRABARANI) RIVER CIVILISATION & INDUS VALLEY CIVILISATION

The urban town planning, structural engineering, brick structures, terracotta ring wells, fallen roofing tiles with double holes and deeply finger pressed grooves to draw rain water as well as the material culture of artefacts, evidence of cattle rearing, and graffiti of Keezhadi carry uncanny resemblances to that of Indus Valley Civilisation.

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“Gender-Neutrality is the default settings involved in the origin of clothing.” – Purushu Arie

Image: ScienceMe

Clothing: Item(s) used to cover/enclose the body.

Clothing: A Survival Reaction to Evolutionary Loss of Fur?

Fossil remains of Lucy, an Australopithecus Afarensis from 3.2 million years ago suggests that she could walk upright on two legs and be covered in fur. By around 2 million / 20 lakh years ago, hominids increasingly inhabited grasslands where they started to hunt & eat more meat. Hominids also lost their body hair over this period to sweat more profusely and survive the sun’s glaring heat.[1] It is possible that early hominids covered themselves in animal furs/skins/feathers (a byproduct of their food) to compensate for the evolutionary loss of hair – particularly to survive in harsh environmental conditions. Earliest hominids who invented clothing probably didn’t wear clothes all the time but covered up in animal hides only in extreme weathers.

Evolutionary Role of Homo Eructus in Origin of Clothing:

While Australopithecus hominids were the first to use stone tools, a Columbia University research suggests that Homo Eructus who appeared about 2 million ago were the earliest of hominids to forge weapons like hand-axe, and master technologies like the controlled use of fire.[2]

Homo Eructus is not only speculated to be the first of hominids to live in a hunter-gatherer society but also among the earliest to migrate in waves from Africa to Eurasia[3] – both of which plays a crucial role in the evolutionary development of clothing. Having lived for over a million years, Homo Erectus is probably the longest-lived species of Homo, and diverged into sub-species by around 5,00,000 years ago – notably Homo Heidelbergensis, the common ancestor of both Homo Sapiens & Neanderthals who first appeared in Africa & Eurasia respectively around 3,00,000-2,00,000 years ago.

Homo Sapiens Wore Clothes since 83,000-1,70,000 years ago.

It is impractical to determine the exact origins of clothing with mere archaeological evidence since early clothing materials (animal skins and furs) do not fossilise like bones or stand the test of time like other pre-historic remains. A University of Florida based research studied the origins of clothing lice to date the genesis of clothing – since clothing lice evolved from head louse ancestors only after humans adopted clothing. The study estimates that clothing lice diverged from head louse ancestors at least before 83,000 years and possibly as early as 170,000 years ago – the earliest known estimate of clothing worn by Homo Sapiens.[4]

Thermal Model of Origin of Clothing:

Survival needs like thermal protection appear to be the primary purpose of clothing in ice age conditions which began before 2.5 million years and lasted up to 11,700 years ago. It is likely that only those hominids who covered adequately survived the test of evolution in the cold Pleistocene climate, and it can be commented with surety that Homo Sapiens wore clothes on a regular basis to keep warm after the first exposure to such harsh Ice Age conditions. The dating of the genesis of clothing by understanding the evolution of clothing lice, however, implies that Homo Sapiens wore clothes at least about 70,000-40,000 years before the earliest migrations out of Africa to colder latitudes.

Body Art & Modifications: Proto-Clothing?

Few forms of body art and modifications of early hominids include:

• The use of colours/cosmetics applied over the body.
• Creation of visible patterns/imagery on the body for purely aesthetic or symbolic intent.
• Temporary/permanent modification of body in forms of piercing etc.
• Wearing 2D/3D objects on the body like shells, animal teeth, feathers and beads for functional and/or aesthetic purposes.

Hominids in Africa used ochre pigments by 2,00,000BP – almost the same time range as the early red ochre use in the Neanderthals record.[5] H. sapiens used beads in Kibish, Ethiopia dated to 195 000 BP.[6] The practice of piercing teeth, shells and bones, and stringing them, singly or multiply, to make a pendant or necklace is the oldest known form of personal decoration after body painting.[7] Discovery of spun, dyed and knotted flax fibres from a series of Upper Paleolithic layers at Dzudzuana Cave, located in the foothills of the Caucasus, Georgia, indicates that prehistoric hunter-gatherers developed a knack for vanity, decorations and other sartorial symbolic interpretations at least before 30,000 years.[8] It is possible that some hominids substituted body decorations with clothing only after they migrated and faced cold weather conditions.

Combination of Multiple Needs/Wants Leading to Origin of Clothing:

The fact that nudity remains an acceptable norm in many hunter-gatherer cultures of the modern world asserts that clothing in itself is not vital for survival – not for everyone at least. In the vast timeline of early hominids spanning millions of years, it is highly likely that clothing was invented more than once for more than one purpose by various groups of Hominids at various locations spread from Africa to Eurasia. For example, Neanderthals who inhabited Europe are likely to have invented clothing at a different timeline (possibly earlier) than Homo Sapiens. In contrast to the warm tropical weathers of Africa where Homo Sapiens lived for the most of their evolutionary history, Neanderthals lived in colder European conditions and wore thick furs cloak that offered thermal protection which was crucial for survival.[9]

Role of Clothing in Evolutionary Success of Homo Sapiens Over Other Hominids:

Homo Sapiens joined Neanderthals in Europe 42,000 years ago where they co-existed for roughly about 2000-5000 years. Unlike Neanderthals, whose shorter and stockier bodies were better adapted to Europe’s colder weather, Homo Sapiens had leaner bodies, which made them more vulnerable to the cold. A comparative study between the clothing of Neanderthals and Homo Sapiens concluded that Neanderthals covered 70-80% of their body as opposed to 90% covered by Homo Sapiens.[10]  The disparities in body-coverage arise from the fact that Neanderthals were better adapted to cold whereas Homo Sapiens were forced to cover up more.  Denisovan Hominids, who coexisted with Neanderthals and Homo Sapiens in Europe, is credited with using the world’s oldest surviving sewing-needle which is approx. 50,000 years old.[11] By about 30,000 years ago, Homo Sapiens developed better tools like blade, improved upon the technology of Neanderthals/Denisovans and sewed tight-fitting clothing to compensate their biological drawbacks[12] – this technological advancement in clothing is likely to have enabled more insulative clothing than that of Neanderthals and a key for evolutionary success of Homo Sapiens over other Neanderthals. Even if insufficient insulation didn’t cause the extinction of Neanderthals, the more developed and thermally effective clothing of Homo Sapiens is likely part of the adaptive package that helped them outnumber other archaic Hominids.[13]

BIBLIOGRAPHY

1.  Alan R. Rogers, David Iltis, and Stephen Wooding, “Genetic Variation at the MC1R Locus and the Time since Loss of Human Body Hair,” Current Anthropology 45, no. 1 (February 2004): 105-108
2. Humans Shaped Stone Axes 1.8 Million Years Ago, Study Says, The Earth Institute, (2011-09-01)
3. The Age of the 20 Meter Solo River Terrace, Java, Indonesia and the Survival of Homo erectus in Asia, June 29, 2011
4. Melissa A. Toups, Andrew Kitchen, Jessica E. Light, David L. Reed, Origin of Clothing Lice Indicates Early Clothing Use by Anatomically Modern Humans in Africa, Molecular Biology and Evolution, Volume 28, Issue 1, January 2011, Pages 29–32
5. Use of red ochre by early Neandertals by Wil Roebroeks, Mark J. Sier, Trine Kellberg Nielsen, Dimitri De Loecker, Josep Maria Parés, Charles E. S. Arps, and Herman J. Mücher, PNAS, February 7, 2012
6. Stratigraphic placement and age of modern humans from Kibish, Ethiopia by McDougall I, Brown FH, Fleagle JG, Nature. 2005 Feb 17
7. The evolution of human artistic creativity by Gillian M Morriss-Kay J Anat. 2010 Feb; 216(2): 158–176
8. 30,000-Year-Old Wild Flax Fibers, Science 11 Sep 2009: Vol. 325, Issue 5946, pp. 1359
9. Faunal evidence for a difference in clothing use between Neanderthals and early modern humans in Europe, Journal of Anthropological Archaeology, Volume 44, Part B, December 2016, Pages 235-246
10. Modeling Neanderthal clothing using ethnographic analogues by Nathan Wales, Journal of Human Evolution, Volume 63, Issue 6, December 2012, Pages 781-795
11. World’s oldest needle found in Siberian cave that stitches together human history, The Serbian Times
12. Neanderthal Extinction and Modern Human Behaviour: The Role of Climate Change and Clothing by Ian Gilligan, World Archaeology, Vol. 39, No. 4, Debates in “World Archaeology” (Dec., 2007), pp. 499-514
13. Clothing and the replacement of Neanderthals by Modern Humans by Lia Tarle

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