Last fall, months before he resigned, Quebec Premier François Legault was asked in an interview with Cogeco whether there was someone else who could breathe new life into his party, the Coalition Avenir Québec, which had been dwindling in the polls since 2023.

“My minister of the economy, Christine Fréchette, has extraordinary potential,” he said.

Legault said Fréchette didn’t have the same experience he has in crafting business deals but added “she learns very fast.” He, however, fell short of endorsing her as a successor.

On Sunday, Fréchette became leader of the CAQ and will become de facto Quebec’s new premier.

In both roles, she comes second. She is the CAQ’s second leader — Legault having served in the role since he founded the party in 2011 — while she will serve as Quebec’s second female premier — after the Parti Québécois’ Pauline Marois who served from 2012 to 2014.

Fréchette, 56, only has a few months to bask in her new role before she takes on the daunting task of facing an electorate that is determined on turning the page after the CAQ’s two majority governments since 2018 and has now decided it wants to open a new chapter.

A Léger poll issued before the end of the leadership race showed the CAQ had fallen to 9 per cent in vote intentions province-wide — the worst result for the party since its creation, according to Philippe J. Fournier, founder of the polling aggregator website Qc125.

“Obviously, the polls are not great. They haven’t been great for a while, and that’s okay,” said Quebec’s Minister of International Relations Christopher Skeete in a recent interview.

Skeete was one of many CAQ caucus members to support Fréchette in the leadership race. He said he is “very eager” to have her take the reins as premier because he believes she will bring in a different kind of government and a different kind of leadership.

“Right now, given how crazy the world is, having someone as deliberately thoughtful, I think, is completely the right casting. I think people want stability,” he said.

“They want someone who’s not going to be fireworks for the sake of fireworks, but that can give off fireworks when it’s necessary, and I think that is exactly the kind of premier we’re going to get,” he added.

The question remains: is Fréchette doomed to the same destiny as Kim Campbell, who famously took the reins of her party and became prime minister for a few months before electing only two Progressive Conservative MPs after the 1993 federal election? Or worse?

Thierry Giasson, a professor of political science at Laval University, said the dire situation the CAQ finds itself in, months away from an election, would explain why many prominent women inside the party opted to skip their turn and to not seek the party leadership.

“I don’t think we’re seen this in the last 30 years in Canada and in Quebec,” he said.

However, he pointed out that Campbell and Fréchette are two very different people. While Campbell was outspoken, blunt and had a sense for drama, people who know Fréchette say she is studious, thoughtful and considers all avenues before coming to a decision.

Fréchette may have only joined the CAQ in 2022, but her political path spans decades.

In the 90s, she was involved in the student movement with key actors who would end up shaping the CAQ — among whom were Martin Koskinen, who served as Legault’s chief of staff, and Pascal Mailhot, a political advisor in Legault’s first mandate.

Mailhot, who was until recently the Quebec government representative in Ottawa, remembers Fréchette always had her head buried in thick reports whenever he came to visit the Montreal apartment she was sharing with her then-boyfriend François Rebello.

“She was reading reports with her yellow highlighter, while we were chatting and drinking beer,” said Mailhot. “She has always been very studious. That’s the memory I have of her.”

With an academic background in business and international relations, after working in different ministries, Fréchette worked for the Montreal Center for International Studies (CÉRIUM) with a focus on U.S. and Mexico and became a media commentator in Quebec.

Fréchette had already crossed paths with Jean-François Lisée at CÉRIUM and on media panels and went on to serve as his deputy chief of staff when he became minister of international relations in Pauline Marois’ PQ minority government from 2012 to 2014.

Fréchette ultimately quit in 2014 because of then-PQ minister Bernard Drainville’s Quebec Charter of Values which she could not support. As luck would have it, the former PQ staffer would end up beating Drainville for the leadership of the CAQ only 12 years later.

Lisée, her former boss, wrote a column in Le Devoir in which he called Fréchette “Mrs. No-Waves” because she flees controversy and has an aversion for disorder in general.

But Lisée agreed that her propensity to not make waves could be her greatest asset.

Mailhot said he recruited Fréchette to run for the CAQ in 2022. Because she had served as president and director general of the East Montreal Chamber of Commerce, there was talk of her running in Anjou, but the CAQ opted for a safer seat on the Montreal South Shore.

Legault tasked his recruit with the prickly file of immigration, where she oversaw the closure of Roxham Road and negotiated the hefty sum of $750 million from Ottawa to compensate Quebec for costs associated with asylum seekers between 2021 and 2023.

At the time, the deal caught the attention of B.C. Premier David Eby, who denounced a double standard between Quebec and Western Canada.

Fréchette also successfully pushed Justin Trudeau’s Liberal government to reimpose a visa on Mexican nationals visiting Canada.

But Fréchette truly rose to the occasion in 2024 when she was tasked by Legault to replace at a moment’s notice Quebec’s “superminister” of the economy, innovation and energy, Pierre Fitzgibbon, just as Northvolt was pulling back its battery megafactory in Quebec.

While Fréchette was sent to clean up the mess of her predecessor, she ended up earning the respect of the business community, who said she was attentive and in control.

Away from the spotlights, without really people noticing, Skeete said she managed to recenter the mission of Investment Quebec so there is a little less emphasis on foreign investment and more focus on small and medium-sized businesses based in Quebec.

“Well, those are her fingerprints on the file,” said Skeete.

Fréchette now has the seemingly impossible task of turning things around for the CAQ.

The provincial election is expected to take place in October. Fréchette will be facing her three main opponents — the PQ’s Paul St-Pierre Plamondon, the Liberal Party’s Charles Milliard and the Conservative Party of Quebec’s Éric Duhaime — all men.

Skeete thinks the new premier brings with her the ability “to just get things done.”

“The proof is in the pudding. We really have to just stop with these grandiose discourses, stop with these grandiose ideals, and just make it work. And I think that’s where Quebecers are, and that’s exactly the kind of thinking that Christine brings,” he said.

Skeete said that Fréchette has not dropped any file she has taken on in her career, even the toughest ones, and has “always risen to the occasion that’s been presented to her.”

“I would expect nothing less in October.”

National Post
calevesque@postmedia.com

• Tasha Kheiriddin: Legault's departure may signal a return to the past for Quebec
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MONTREAL – Prime Minister Mark Carney’s message to his party is that differences are a strength, as the Liberals stand on the cusp of a majority government in the House of Commons, with help from floor crossers from other political parties.

“Canada’s founding insight is that unity does not require uniformity,” he said during a closing speech at the Liberal national convention in Montreal on Saturday afternoon.

“Pragmatic decisions that have become a moral conviction — that our differences are a strength to be nurtured, not a risk to be managed.”

Carney’s government has attracted five floor crossers from opposition parties in recent months, Lori Idlout from the NDP, and four Conservatives including Chris d’Entremont, Michael Ma, Matt Jeneroux and more recently, Marilyn Gladu.

Gladu’s addition to the Liberal party caused some stir and surprise among some of the more progressive members of caucus, given her policy track record as a social conservative on issues like abortion and LGBTQ+ rights.

Carney told reporters that Gladu will vote with the government on those social issues.

Carney’s speech also pointed to past Liberal prime ministers like Wilfrid Laurier, Louis St. Laurent, Lester Pearson, Pierre Trudeau, Jean Chretien, Paul Martin and Justin Trudeau, who were all strong unifiers in their own way.

“And so, when each generation has chosen to widen the circle,” he said. “We Liberals stand in that tradition.”

The trade war with the United States also loomed large over Carney’s remarks, with the prime minister pointing to his government’s economic agenda.

Carney said a strong economy is essential to his party’s mission of building a just society.

The prime minister was met with a standing applause when he said that a just society is anchored in a woman’s right to choose and allowing people to love who they want to love.

The speech highlighted his government’s defence industrial strategy, military spending, infrastructure investments, major projects office and efforts to diversify international trade.

The convention wraps up as Liberal delegates spent Saturday morning debating and voting on several non-binding policy resolutions.

Two resolutions related to setting age restrictions on social media and artificial chat bots were adopted, following debate.

Grassroots members of the party also debated a resolution on restricting use of the notwithstanding clause, by invoking disallowance on any provincial legislation that proactively invokes the clause before court challenges are exhausted.

Justice Minister Sean Fraser has already shut down any prospect of using disallowance.

Notably, Public Works and Procurement Minister and Québec Lieutenant Joël Lightbound as well as Quebec MP Patricia Lattanzio took the mic during the plenary session to voice their opposition to the resolution, which was ultimately defeated.

The general mood at this weekend’s convention was one of optimism and excitement, given the party’s prospect of holding a majority government again.

The Liberals currently hold 171 seats in the House of Commons, but with three byelections scheduled for Monday, the party is expected to gain a slim majority.

Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre has accused Carney of gaining a majority through “dirty backroom deals.”

Speaking to the thousands of Liberal members and delegates waiving Canadian flags and signs donning his name, Carney echoed the message during his speech in Davos back in January, while also taking aim at those who are “still in denial” of a changing world.

“This is not the time for politics as usual,” he said. “If we stand still during this rupture, we will surrender our future to others.”

• Liberals say the party is 'bigger than one person,' as Gladu unsettles progressives
• Marilyn Gladu backed petition this year for automatic byelections when MPs cross the floor

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Kevin Cramer, the plain-spoken U.S. senator from North Dakota, is nothing if not a steadfast supporter of President Donald Trump.

He was among the first elected Republicans to endorse the president in his 2016 run for the White House and once even likened voting against Trump’s policies to cheating on a spouse.

“I know Donald Trump really quite well. I really do, and I love him very much,” the senator told the National Post in a recent interview. “I love him at a personal level.”

But in at least one prominent way, he has consistently pushed back on the commander-in-chief he so admires. As Trump slapped a succession of crushing tariffs on Canada, while musing about economically coercing and annexing this country, Cramer has called for stronger relations – economically, militarily and culturally – and developed close, affectionate ties with Canada’s representatives.

Amongst other gestures, he introduced a resolution in the Senate that could almost have been written by staff down the street at the Canadian embassy. It talks of an “indispensable economic and security partnership” and says the prosperity of both nations is supported by a “mutually beneficial economic relationship.”

Cramer, 65, attributes his views to the extensive trade between North Dakota and neighbouring Canadian provinces, and to personal ties that include a childhood spent crossing the border like it barely existed. He says his closeness to Trump – whom he telephones regularly – is actually what makes it possible for him to get the president’s ear on the Canada question.

“I’ve earned some of that (political) capital by being an ardent supporter of his,” he says. “It means when you disagree, you have a little more … street cred. And to me, the U.S.-Canada relationship is worth spending some of that on.

“I do talk to him and I give him my opinion. He generally gets mad at me and then we move on.”

At the same time, Cramer does not give Canada a universal pass. He says Canadians need to be less emotional about the president’s barbs and that an “insufferable” Justin Trudeau helped inform Trump’s antagonistic approach to this country. Current Prime Minister Mark Carney is a much better fit, he says.

But at a time when it often seems the ruling party in America – at least as embodied by the administration – is at war with Canada, Cramer offers an unlikely counterpoint.

“He is indeed a true friend of Canada,” said Kirsten Hillman, who was ambassador to the U.S. until she retired from the foreign service in February. “He has been extremely helpful to us …making points to the president in ways that resonate with the president.”

Cramer in turn says “I love Kirsten,” and showed his fondness for the diplomat by having a special American flag flown in her honour over the Capitol building, then taken down and presented to her as a parting gift.

Their bond was strengthened in part by her own youth, when she spent summers at her grandparents’ farm near Goodlands, Man., about 10 kilometres from the North Dakota border, and sometimes crossed into the state to get pizza.

“I told the president once ‘You know, this idea of Canada as a 51st state is really dumb,’ “ Cramer says. “But I said ‘I would take Saskatchewan and Manitoba and Alberta as three states. They’re practically us, you know.’ ”

Hillman, now a distinguished fellow at the University of Toronto’s Munk School of Global Affairs, said the senator is one of many Republican members of Congress who would like to see a friendlier approach to Canada. A resolution calling for the tariffs to be rescinded was supported by four GOP senators – Rand Paul, Susan Collins, Mitch McConnell, and Lisa Murkowski (though not Cramer). But he stands out as the lawmaker who is closest to Trump, said the ex-ambassador.

A former tourism and economic development director in the North Dakota state government, Cramer grew up at a time when the northern border was almost a formality. The family would drive the short distance to Killarney Lake in Manitoba, merely waving to customs officers on both sides in lieu of showing passports, he says. He has an uncle who lives in Revelstoke, B.C., and Canadian cousins.

Cramer was elected to the House of Representatives on his third try in 2010, then ran successfully for a Senate seat in 2018.

He’s without question a “hard-core” conservative, says Mark Jendrysik, a political science professor at the University of North Dakota who once had Cramer talk to his class. The senator has opposed abortion and same-sex marriage and wrote the energy platform for Trump’s 2016 campaign that favoured more oil production and downplayed climate-change science. His politics are in keeping with the general leanings of the state, one of the few where Trump’s approval ratings have stayed over 50 per cent, said Jendrysik.

But at the same time he’s not one of the “culture-war flame throwers” who have a tight grip on the North Dakota Republican Party, the type of people who call Democrats communists and tout Trump as the greatest president in American history, the professor said.

Still, his loyalty to Trump – and the views of North Dakotans who realize their economy relies heavily on Canada – makes it possible for him to oppose the White House’s protectionist policies, said Jendrysik.

“He has absolutely no worry about re-election, to put it bluntly, so he can afford this small break from Trumpian orthodoxy, because local people think he’s defending their local interests.”

Those interests are fairly clear. North Dakota’s exports to Canada – mostly oil but also farm machinery and agricultural goods – have ranged from $4 billion to $6 billion annually in recent years, 70-80 per cent of its total exports. Cramer said that trade is by design deeply intertwined, each side playing to its strengths.

“A hog crosses the border multiple times before it becomes bacon,” he says, evoking the kind of international connectivity often cited by the auto industry.

Trump has taken a very different view of the economic relationship. Though much of what is sold back and forth moves tariff-free for now under the Canada-U.S.-Mexico free-trade agreement – and his first wave of duties was struck down by the U.S. Supreme Court – Canadian automobiles, steel, aluminum and lumber still face punishing tariffs. Meanwhile, Trump is eager to see more goods produced in America and has said “we don’t need anything” from Canada. He recently threatened to impose 50-per-cent tariffs and block certification on imported Canadian aircraft because a regulator here was taking too long to approve new American jets, and said he might block a new bridge between Detroit and Windsor paid for by Canada.

Trump has talked repeatedly about making this country a U.S. state – calling both Carney and Trudeau “governor” – and when asked if he would use military force to do so, said he’d opt for “economic force.”

Cramer says Trump is frustrated by the fact Canada is rich in minerals and resources and “we don’t have more access to those things.”

But he also blames some of the president’s apparent attitudes toward Canada on the fact his first counterpart here was the “insufferable” Prime Minister Justin Trudeau.

The senator cites his own encounter with Trudeau at a Canadian embassy reception a couple of years ago.

Having written a letter encouraging Ottawa to boost defence spending, he broached the topic with the prime minister, suggesting Canada could reach the NATO-endorsed goal of spending two per cent of GDP on the military by selling uranium to the U.S. for use in nuclear weapons.

“He quickly jumped to, ‘Oh, we never will allow our uranium to be used for weapons.’ And I’m like, ‘I’m trying to help you here. I’m trying to give you an off ramp, if you will,’ ” the senator recalls. “He’s a pacifist, and he’s fine with the United States being the guardian over the skies of the Arctic, but it seems irresponsible to me.

“I only had one conversation with him, and I thought ‘This is hopeless.’ ”

Canada has in fact just reached the two-per-cent threshold and Carney has promised to raise defence spending to five per cent of GDP by 2035, while agreeing to buy into Trump’s Golden Dome missile-defence plan. Cramer is a booster of the current prime minister – “a charming guy, but he’s also very smart and eloquent and he’s a finance guy, for crying out loud” – and says increased defence spending is a key way to Trump’s heart.

Ultimately, though, how the bi-national relationship winds up could be determined by a review of the North American free trade accord just getting underway.

Cramer says he hopes it results in “minor changes, not an overhaul.” Hillman says it’s too soon to predict how the talks would end, but said one bright spot are comments this week by Jamieson Grier – the U.S. trade representative – that the deal has “load-bearing pillars” that work well. She notes that the agreement covers not just tariffs but a whole host of other matters, from customs procedures to intellectual property rules

“If (CUSMA) didn’t exist … we would have to recreate it again.”

Meanwhile, Cramer jokingly suggests Canadians could get under Trump’s skin, not by spurning U.S. travel, but by buying up Florida property around the president’s Mar-a-Lago estate and raising Canadian flags there. He has some more controversial advice, too, as polls indicate Canadian opinions about America are at a historic low.

“Canadians seem to be so personally hurt over Donald Trump’s, you know, playing with them over the 51st state issue. And I have found it odd,” he said. “My advice would be ‘Get over yourselves, don’t be so sensitive, because you look just a little bit weak.’ ”

• Polls show Americans dislike Canada more than ever, and that's bad news for the trade war
• Majority of Canadians insulted while U.S. ambassador calls 51st state rhetoric a compliment: poll

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A new poll has revealed a “deep divide” among Canadians’ attitudes to Medical Assistance in Dying (MAID).

The online survey, conducted by ResearchCo. , found that 41 per cent of Canadians think health-care professionals should be able to decline providing MAID services if they have a moral or faith-based objection.

Forty-two per cent of respondents disagree, while the remaining 17 per cent said they weren’t sure.

That figure is up five points from a similar survey conducted by ResearchCo. in November 2022 .

“On a regional basis, opposition to moral or faith-based objections in physician-assisted death cases is highest in Alberta (47 per cent), followed by Atlantic Canada (45 per cent), Quebec (44 per cent), Ontario (41 per cent), British Columbia (also 41 per cent) and Saskatchewan and Manitoba (36 per cent),” ResearchCo. said in a news release.

“Opposition is higher among Canadians aged 55 and over (45 per cent) than among their counterparts aged 35 to 54 (42 per cent) and aged 18 to 34 (39 per cent).”

Several provincial regulatory authorities have issued guidelines requiring medical practitioners who are unwilling or unable to provide MAID to refer patients to other institutions or providers.

In Ontario, for example, physicians and nurse practitioners who object to providing MAID must refer patients “in a timely manner” to another provider.

Gabrielle Peters , a disabled writer and policy analyst, said in an interview with National Post: “The idea of intentionally killing somebody is something that many people object to, and so I think this is a pretty fundamental right that we should be preserving in our society.

“I already feel that physicians are disempowered by the limitations of government, the way funding is structured, or the way their services are structured. And I can’t imagine what happens if we start saying you have no choice and no say in this very large decision.”

The federal government says provincial and territorial governments are responsible for determining how MAID can take place.

Doctors are not legally compelled to provide or help provide MAID, and neither are religious-run institutions. And many institutions, such as Providence Health Care in B.C., do not provide it.

In some cases, this means patients must be transferred to another facility.

However, Dying with Dignity, a charity focused on end-of-life care, says such transfers can harm patients with fragile health.

But Peters noted that this is not an anomaly in Canadian health care.

“There are people in northern communities, in rural communities and farming communities that have to travel great distances, far away from their family, in order to get appropriate health care.”

Even in major cities, patients may be moved between hospitals depending on available equipment or appointment capacity.

Peters added, “You also have to look at other people there. For me, as a patient, I don’t want a doctor coming to care for me who has just injected a lethal substance into somebody else. I don’t want that in my proximity when I am fighting to stay alive.”

The ResearchCo. survey, which was conducted online across a representative national sample of 1,001 adults in Canada, follows recent debate over expanding MAID eligibility.

At a March 24 parliamentary committee, Jocelyn Downie, a professor emeritus in the Faculties of Law and Medicine at Dalhousie University, argued that Canada must legalize assisted suicide for the mentally ill, lest those same patients commit suicide.

The poll also examined views on conscientious objection in other areas of care.

Support for allowing doctors to refuse abortion services on religious grounds was lower, at 38 per cent, while 48 per cent opposed the idea — rising to 51 per cent among women.

A majority of Canadians (57 per cent) oppose allowing health-care providers to refuse care to LGBTQ2+ individuals on religious grounds.

“More than half of Conservative Party voters in the 2025 federal election (53 per cent) would permit moral or faith-based objections in health-care delivery,” said Mario Canseco, president of Research Co.

“The proportion drops to 36 per cent among Liberal Party voters and to 34 per cent among New Democratic Party (NDP) voters.”

• This B.C. woman was offered MAID before other treatments. She said no to death and went on to climb a volcano
• Why Alberta is proposing a ban on 'advance requests' for MAID

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Elected a year ago, the Mark Carney government made housing a priority and rolled out a $13-billion plan with a goal of building 500,000 houses a year for the next decade.

Yet there is one house no one in the government seems willing to touch or even talk about. Just over two kilometres from Parliament Hill, at 24 Sussex Drive, the official residence of the prime minister sits unoccupied and uninhabitable, more than 10 years after the last head of government lived there — and after millions were spent on its festering problems.

Instead, Prime Minister Carney and his family live across the street at Rideau Cottage, a backup, two-storey building on the grounds of Rideau Hall, residence of the Governor General. Justin Trudeau also occupied Rideau Cottage for nearly a decade as prime minister, having never moved into his childhood home.

24 Sussex, which sits on a 2.1-hectare property overlooking the Ottawa River, has been out of commission since the end of the Stephen Harper years and shows little sign of returning to functionality anytime soon. The 35-room, 12,000-square-foot residence has suffered over the years from outdated wiring, heating and plumbing problems, asbestos, water damage, mould and rats.

“What does it say about us as a country that our prime minister’s house is a ruin?” said Toon Dreessen, president of Architects DCA in Ottawa.

“It’s kind of silly — disgraceful, really,” said Robert Martin of Robertson Martin Architects. “Canadians deserve better.”

Initially called Gorffwysfa (Welsh for “The Place of Peace”) when it was built in 1867-68, 24 Sussex has been home to nine prime ministers since 1951 (Kim Campbell and John Turner didn’t live there). It is a Classified Federal Heritage Building.  

Pretty much everybody seems to agree that the neglect must stop. About 70 per cent of Canadians polled by the Angus Reid Institute in 2023 said the government should pay for an official residence for the prime minister. But reactions were more mixed on what the actual solution should be to the current dilemma. Decision-making has been paralyzed.

What’s the holdup?

Politics, of course, and political optics. The building’s fate does not appear to be among the current government’s priorities. “It’s not a problem to resolve today, this month or even by the end of the year. But we should examine it during the course of the mandate,” Carney told reporters in French last year, adding that multiple ideas on how to renew 24 Sussex have been put forward by former prime ministers.

And it was only in his last days as prime minister that Trudeau appeared to pay the problem any attention. He set a January 2026 goal to create an advisory committee of eminent Canadians to make recommendations. It’s unknown what happened to that initiative. The Privy Council Office (PCO), which provides advice to the prime minister and cabinet, did not agree to an interview request about this initiative.

In 2023, Conservative leader Pierre Poilievre said a new leader’s residence was at the bottom of his list of priorities. “We don’t need a new home for the prime minister. We need a new home for working-class Canadians,” he said.

As with most political footballs, government officials are much quicker to throw than to catch.

The office of Joel Lightbound, the cabinet minister responsible for public works projects such as 24 Sussex, passed National Post’s queries about the property to department spokespeople, who said the National Capital Commission (NCC) should respond. Official residences such as the prime minister’s residence are managed by the NCC , but it does not get the last word.

In an interview with the Ottawa Citizen last fall , NCC CEO Tobi Nussbaum said, “We’ve been very clear that the decision on where the prime minister’s residence is, is not the NCC’s decision to make. It is the government of Canada. We are working closely with them developing a solution for the prime minister’s residence.”

He added: “I am probably more optimistic now than I have been in the six-and-a-half years I have been on the job that we can find a solution to this issue, working with them.”

NCC spokesperson Valérie Dufour wrote in an email to National Post that “the NCC continues to work closely” with government partners and that the “PCO would be better placed to answer more specific questions.”

Pierre-Alain Bujold, a spokesman for the PCO, said “work is ongoing” at 24 Sussex, but no final decisions about its future have been made.

Heritage Ottawa, a not-for-profit group that champions the city’s history and cultural places, wrote to Trudeau back in 2019 to recommend that he take steps on 24 Sussex, starting with a new committee led by a non-partisan chair. Neither the government nor Heritage Ottawa responded to Post queries about whether such a committee was formed.

But Heritage Ottawa again made the case in a letter to Carney last fall, recommending a full rehabilitation of 24 Sussex, ideally as the prime minister’s residence. Its second choice is that the residence be fully restored and used for another public purpose.

In the letter, Katherine Spencer-Ross, president of Heritage Ottawa, wrote that 24 Sussex is one of a suite of buildings designed in the Gothic Revival style erected around Confederation, along with Earnscliffe, home to John A. Macdonald, and the Parliament Buildings.

Canada is the only G7 country, she said, that has no legislative protection for “federally recognized places.”

“Let this project stand as an example of our respect for Canada’s heritage.”

Is the site at 24 Sussex even feasible?

A real estate agent unconcerned about complex politics might tout 24 Sussex for its “location, location, location.” Perched atop a cliff, it overlooks the Ottawa River yet is close to the action on Parliament Hill.

“It’s a spectacular site,” said Martin, whose Ottawa architectural firm helped make Rideau Cottage workable as a temporary residence for the prime minister.

The 24 Sussex property includes the main residence, a 12,000-square-foot stone mansion built in the 1860s. In addition to the living areas for prime ministers and their families, there’s an official guest house on the grounds, a swimming pool and pool house, security buildings and small gatehouses at the entrance for security screening. Bordered by security fencing and barriers, the grounds also include a detached garage and areas for small outside events.

In his memoirs, former prime minister Brian Mulroney said of 24 Sussex, “(F)or me and those who preceded and followed me, the official residence was anything but restful. Lacking central air, the home was cooled during stifling Ottawa summers by noisy air-conditioning units placed in windows. In the winter, family and guests often found themselves shivering in the 34-room limestone home. Former prime minister Paul Martin summed it up neatly during his own period as a tenant: ‘Too cold in the winter and too hot in the summer.’”

It’s one of the most modest official leaders’ residences in the G7. By comparison, most are well-fortified, high-security buildings with limited public access, and are used as both a home and an official workplace.

The White House in Washington, D.C., for example, is more than four times as large at 55,000 square feet, with six floors, 132 rooms and three elevators. But it’s also an important government office building with more than 1,000 regular employees in and around the residence.

In London, 10 Downing Street, home of the British prime minister, is an estimated 25,000 square feet. A web of interconnected structures, officially known as 10, 11 and 12 Downing, comprise about 100 rooms. It’s about twice the size of its Canadian counterpart.

Leaders’ homes in Spain, France and Germany are at least 75,000 square feet each. The Quirinal Palace in Rome, home to President Sergio Mattarella, is easily the largest in Europe. A former papal residence, the palace is also used for government offices, state functions, ceremonies and receptions.

Even the State House Nairobi, official residence of Kenya’s prime minister, at more than 20,000 square feet, is much larger than 24 Sussex. That’s about the same size as official leaders’ residences in Reykjavik, Iceland, and Attard, Malta — two of the smallest in Europe — and Tokyo, Japan.

What about security?

Neither 24 Sussex nor the PM’s temporary residence at Rideau Cottage were built for 21st-century security concerns.

According to a CBC report , a government memo written last summer listed security challenges at Rideau Cottage, including its proximity to the larger governor general’s residence and a number of other homes. The house doesn’t have the infrastructure or space for security offices, secure meeting offices or safe rooms, and Rideau Cottage’s grounds include a number of areas with public access, while offering minimal security infrastructure, such as secure entrances, secure vehicle access and security parking.

Security concerns are not just theoretical .

In the early morning hours of Nov. 5, 1995, a man named André Dallaire snuck onto the property at 24 Sussex, broke a window, then slipped into the prime minister’s residence. Brandishing a knife, he wandered around the residence until he was spotted by Aline Chrétien, the prime minister’s wife. The Chrétiens locked their bedroom door, called police and the intruder was arrested. Dallaire, who later said he was hearing voices in his head, was found not criminally responsible due to a diagnosis of paranoid schizophrenia. The incident triggered some security improvements at the prime minister’s residence.

On July 2, 2020, an armed man named Corey Hurren drove onto the grounds at Rideau Hall. He was arrested by the RCMP without further incident.

In a statement to the Post, RCMP spokesperson Marie-Eve Breton said the federal police force is providing recommendations to the government on the security needs at 24 Sussex but can’t provide details because “this issue is still being considered,” and the force doesn’t want to compromise security.

But key security issues for any site would include an ability to access the site, space at the site to fit the necessary safeguards, and lines of sight to and from the site, Breton said.

She added the RCMP have been “actively collaborating” with the National Capital Commission, Public Services and Procurement Canada, and the Privy Council Office to determine a future direction for the PM’s official residence.

The RCMP has not been informed whether the government has made a decision on what to do about the prime minister’s residence, the statement said.

So, what are the options?

With little apparent decision-making coming from the government, National Post asked several architects for their visions on what 24 Sussex could be and estimated costs. There are three basic options: a major renovation of the existing buildings; tear down and build fresh on the same site; or build something new on a different site altogether.

Architects estimate that, depending on specifications, the bill for this type of major project could be anywhere between $40 million and $100 million.

D’Arcy Jones, principal of D’Arcy Jones Architects, who has worked on many high-end renovations, said the estimates he’s heard over the years always seem to be multiples above what he’d consider market rates for such jobs. The Vancouver architect acknowledges his past projects didn’t include much investment in security, a necessary part of a leader’s residence, but that the estimates still seem way over market.

If the bill comes anywhere close to $100 million, Jones said, “I don’t know what you’re spending it on.”

Major renovation

In a June 2021 report, the NCC deemed both the main residence at 24 Sussex and the caretaker’s house at 10 Sussex to be in “critical condition.” The report estimated it would cost $36.6 million for “deferred maintenance” alone to restore the main residence to “optimal condition.” That figure included dealing with the residence’s hazardous materials, replacing older mechanical and electrical systems and construction of universally accessible entrances and washrooms, but would not get the building up to meeting new building codes or legislative requirements.

Two years later, $4.3 million was spent on abatement and decommissioning work, including the removal of asbestos and removal and cataloguing of heritage items such as doors and mouldings. The work was completed in the summer of 2024.

Some architects familiar with the site agree that a sensible plan would involve a major renovation to the existing residence while adding space and functionality through a new, adjacent structure or wing.

The reno could include elements such as a physical division between the family residence and any additional, business-oriented wing or structure. “We need a home that can accommodate a family,” said Dreessen, from Architects DCA.

Or, it could be a family residence with office space, places for children to live and play, accommodations for visiting family members, and a dining area large enough for a dozen or so.

It would certainly have to include basic upgrades, such as air conditioning, wheelchair accessibility and visitors’ quarters. It could offer a business wing or adjacent structure with enough dining space for a small state dinner, a commercial-grade kitchen and a wine cellar.

Office spaces for a small cohort of staff, and space for small meetings, should also be part of the plan.

Ottawa’s Trace Architectures, a firm that has been involved with 24 Sussex on and off for a couple of decades, suggests that the main building should be rehabilitated as the prime minister’s residence, and a second building or wing be constructed for other official events and security. The two, said partner Mark Brandt, could be connected by an underground tunnel.

Chris Warden, another partner at Trace, said redesigning a large residence to be dual-purpose carries more challenges architecturally than might be expected. The two parts of the property would need to look cohesive, he said, even though one would function as a residence while the other has business and diplomatic functions.

“It’s an incredibly difficult job,” said Warden. “You want to give the prime minister the best possible place.”

Dreessen offers a different view, saying that 24 Sussex undoubtedly needs to be renovated, but that it doesn’t necessarily need to have a new large space for business or large state dinners. The site could simply remain a residence, with larger state dinners and other professional gatherings held elsewhere, such as one of the nearby national museums. “Do that someplace else.”

Dreessen’s own vision includes a “deep-energy” retrofit so that the buildings create more energy than they use, and more public access to the grounds.

This type of renovation, he said, could be done for about $35 million.

He suggests a multistage design proposal, with the first stage to generate broad ideas, followed by at least one more wave to flush out the best designs.

One thing seems clear, according to the architects: prices to repair or rebuild are only going to go up, largely because of inflation and further degradation of the property.

Former prime ministers Harper and Chrétien reportedly offered to try to raise private money to help reduce the reno’s financial burden on taxpayers, but nothing came of it.

Tear down and rebuild on same site

There are clear advantages to keeping the prime minister’s residence at 24 Sussex: the site’s proximity to Parliament Hill, Rideau Hall and other key political sites in Ottawa, for example. There’s also the property’s security advantages, with one side facing a steep drop to the Ottawa River and a large setback from the road.

The property is located on a diplomatic corridor, and neighbours include the French Embassy, the South African High Commission and a plethora of other diplomatic offices and residences.

Demolishing the existing home and starting again, despite the abatement work done in recent years, would allow a broader range of options, proponents say. The downside is the loss of an important heritage site.

Some of the historical artifacts, stones and other materials at the existing home could be reused or just kept as heritage pieces. Key questions under this model would include whether the home and reception areas would be distinct buildings and what to do with the indoor pool.

Samantha Schneider, of Ottawa-based Simmonds Architecture, said her firm responded to a local magazine’s request almost a decade ago to offer designs for a rebuild at 24 Sussex. Her submission emphasized the use of stone, wood and other materials from the Canadian landscape, which she said would fit well on that property. “It’s a beautiful site.”

Some architects’ suggestions are more expansive, suggesting a “campus” model that would include multiple buildings, such as a reception pavilion, guest houses, even a small conference centre.

One concept, from D’Arcy Jones Architects, visualizes the residence as a representation of the Canadian landscape, with a single-storey building embedded in the terrain with carved shapes representing forests, mountains, waterways and prairie fields.

Architecture students from Carleton University also developed design ideas a few years ago that reflect Indigenous symbolism and history. Those ideas included a “wampum” model — a horizontal addition with lots of skylights and glass for natural light — and an “intertwined” model that made heavy use of curved and wooden ceilings.

“Do something great,” said Martin, whose firm has been involved in rehab work at 24 Sussex.

Build something new, somewhere else

A third option would be to find a new site for the prime minister’s home and start from scratch.

One option reportedly considered was a new, wooded location in Rockcliffe Park. The neighbourhood, not far from the current residence, is known for its affluence and large, traditional-looking homes. It’s not known for offering vacant lots of the size required for a new prime minister’s residence. And Rockcliffe Park might present greater security challenges than does 24 Sussex.

One of the existing homes in that neighbourhood is Stornoway, the official residence of the Opposition leader. Dreessen said it’s not necessary to have an official residence for the Opposition leader and that converting that home to the prime minister’s residence should at least be on the table.

There is also the possibility of renovating or starting from scratch at Rideau Cottage, where Carney and his family now live. But Rideau Cottage is far from perfect. Aside from the security concerns, the size of the residence is similar to 24 Sussex. It’s a two-storey home with 22 rooms and about 10,000 square feet.

In her letter to Carney last October, Spencer-Ross at Heritage Ottawa wrote that she understands the concerns of those who say the rehabilitation of 24 Sussex “sends the wrong message” during a housing crisis. “But is it not also a wrong message that an otherwise sound structure is sent to landfill? That it continues to lie vacant? That a nationally significant property is allowed to fall into ruin?

“24 Sussex is not just any home. It is a nationally significant place that belongs to all Canadians, not to a prime minister nor to any political party.”

24 Sussex Drive, at a glance 

1867-68: Lumber baron and politician Joseph Merrill Currier builds “Gorffwysfa” (Welsh for “Place of Rest”) in the Gothic Revival style, intending to evoke the Parliament Buildings.  

1870: Currier adds a ballroom; the home at 24 Sussex is soon seen as a major social hub in the capital.  

1902: The building passes to William Cameron Edwards.  

1943: The federal government tries to expropriate 24 Sussex, since it controls most of the other land along the Ottawa River. Then-owner Sen. Gordon C. Edwards fights the move and proceedings drag on until 1946 when the government finally gains possession.

1949: The government decides the site will house future prime ministers. Over the next two years, major changes are made, such as demolishing the tower on the western side, stripping away the Victorian ornament, and expanding the building’s size, including a larger kitchen wing.  The ballroom is replaced by an outdoor terrace. Several rooms are reconfigured to overlook the river instead of the street.

1951: Prime Minister Louis St-Laurent moves in — “the last thing (he) wanted to do,” according to the National Capital Commission. H e insists on paying rent.  

1975: With Pierre Elliott Trudeau in office, the site receives its biggest renovation up to that time: a new indoor swimming pool and pool house, funded by private donors. The pool building is connected to the main house by underground tunnel.

1985: Prime Minister Brian  Mulroney undertakes renovations to 24 Sussex and the residence at Harrington Lake, for which the Progressive Conservative Party spends $308,000. The incident is dubbed “Gucci-gate,” because it includes, among other things, expanded closets for 100 pairs of shoes.  

1986: The  Prime Minister’s Residence is designated a Classified Federal Heritage Building because, according to the federal government, “of its direct association with six prime ministers of Canada, its status as a nationally known landmark, and because of the impact of the house and its grounds on the character of the area.”

1995: On Nov. 5, a man sneaks onto the property and slips inside the residence with a knife. He is spotted by Aline Chrétien, wife of Prime Minister Jean Chretien. The Chrétiens call police and the man is arrested. A security overhaul follows.  

2008: Auditor general  Sheila Fraser reports that renovations are desperately needed to fix cracked windows, outdated wiring, inadequate plumbing and other problems. The work is estimated at $10 million.  

2015: Prime Minister Justin Trudeau opts to move with his family into Rideau Cottage on the grounds of Rideau Hall, in order to allow upgrades or other work on 24 Sussex.

2021:  In a June report, the National Capital Commission says both the main residence at 24 Sussex and the caretaker’s house are in “critical condition.” The report estimates it will cost $36.6 million to restore the main residence to proper condition.  

2022-23: At a cost of $4.3 million, 24 Sussex is closed and stripped to remove asbestos, pests and antiquated elements. The government, however, still does not make a decision on what to do with the now-decommissioned building.  

2025: Prime Minister Mark Carney moves into Rideau Cottage.  

2026: No government offices involved in determining the fate of 24 Sussex are willing to comment on the status of the residence or the plan, if any, to move forward.  

Main photo: 24 Sussex Drive in August 2007, when it was home to then-Prime Minister Stephen Harper and his family. Mike Carroccetto/Postmedia News

Canadian travellers will continue to face travel challenges such as increased fares and cancelled overseas flights as the world copes with the disruptions caused by Iran’s blockade of oil shipments through the Strait of Hormuz.

Even if the war comes to a close with a negotiated settlement this weekend , the experts say the oil shortage shock will reverberate for months while supply chains restart and destroyed oil infrastructure is repaired.

For Canada, however, the challenge won’t be supply. Foremost, it will be price. “A return trip between Montreal and Toronto has jumped from $700 to $1,000. A 45-minute flight,” John Gradek, an aviation industry specialist and lecturer at McGill University in Montreal told National Post on Friday.

Dan McTeague, a gas prices analyst and president of Canadians for Affordable Energy , told the Post on Friday that he has  “never seen a month like this. Not in my time, compared to any other energy crisis we’ve seen in the past.”

The increase in “pricing is reflecting the massive shortfall that we have in jet fuel,” he says. He’s hoping “there will be some kind of resolution this weekend, but I think we’re a little beyond the point of no return.”

Here in Canada, says Gradek, we refine about 85 per cent of the oil we use. “We have seven refineries. Only about 15 per cent of our oil comes through the east coast from the U.S., as well as Rotterdam and Trinidad.”

However, with twenty per cent of the world’s fuel stuck behind the Strait of Hormuz, he says, the worldwide fuel shortage is already driving up prices, as high as $200 a barrel. That will drive up costs.

But it will soon be more about availability, than ability to pay.

As fuel shortages hit airports in Europe and Asia, he says Canadian airlines will struggle to refuel and return. He predicts increasing flight cancellations.

Canadian airlines, especially international carriers such as Air Canada, WestJet and Air Transit will soon have to contend with shortages in European and Asian airports, Gradek says.

“The availability of fuel in Europe is going to be a big issue,” he says, specifically for return flights. “It’s not what you can pay. You’re not going to be able to buy,” says Gradek.

He points to one example in northern Italy, BP Italia . “The company has already declared a fuel shortage. It has told airlines that for flights operating under three hours from Milan, there won’t be enough fuel. Those flights will be cancelled.”

He predicts the airports in London, Heathrow and Gatwick, will be next. Last month, the Financial Times reported that President Donald Trump telling the U.K and European allies who haven’t been supportive of the U.S. war on Iran to “go get (their) own oil” and buy more jet fuel from the U.S.

Asia may be worse off, according to Gradek. “They are days away from running out of imported fuel. Viet Nam Airways has parked 20 per cent of its fleet. The country is rationing fuel.”

The crisis in Asia derives from countries in that continent getting all their jet fuel from the Middle East. But, says Gradek, “the last tanker from the Strait of Hormuz (bound for Asia) left on Feb. 26. It’s a seven-week journey and will arrive in early April. When it runs out, that will be it.”

Jet fuel is produced in the in the Middle East, says McTeague. He points to Qatar, which “has the single largest facility in the world, and it’s been offline now, five weeks. It’s a declared force majure after drone strikes affected its production. So, this is kind of a long wave. We won’t just be talking higher prices. Around the world, the real issue is a supply shock. Supply shocks aren’t like demand shocks, you know. Demand came back after COVID. Everything was fine.”

With tankers taking several weeks to reach their destinations and oil infrastructure destroyed by the war, says McTeague, “’normal’ cannot be rectified for several months, and it’s in that context that I’m not surprised to see jet fuel being rationed. We know in other countries around the world, other petroleum products are being rationed as well.

“We were told this is just an ‘excursion’ of a couple weeks and be over. It’s now a couple of months, or getting into the second month, and there doesn’t appear to be any sign, at least until this weekend, of its ending. But the damage is literally done, and markets are going to reflect that going forward.”

Like Gradek, he expects the impact on Canadian airlines and their passengers to go beyond the recently announced surcharges. “I would expect that for Canadians, more than the inconvenience of fuel surcharges, longer distance destinations outside of North America, may be a little bit more challenging, if not impossible.”

McTeague takes a strong stance about Canada providing oil to the world in the kind of scenario the world is facing. “We have one of the largest supplies of these resources that the world desperately needs today.”

However, he says, “Canada can’t furnish it… Not without demanding that any pipeline be decarbonized. No other nation in the world would be that insane to make that kind of suggestion about its resources. But it gets a pass here in Canada.”

He realizes that may not be a popular opinion in Canada but notes he was a Liberal MP for 18 years. Now he questions the true cost of pursuing the net-zero policy when when affordability is such a prevalent issue, rather than “worrying about changes in the weather.”

Meanwhile, like Gradek, he expects European airlines to seek out Canadian jet fuel.

“You’ve got a huge lineup of people that want to buy from North America … I’m flying from Frankfurt, Germany to Toronto. I left this morning. I come here tonight, rather than worrying about not being able to get fuel in Germany. I’m going to be able to get it in Canada. And some of those planes can take a lot more than what they need to make a one-way flight so they might get enough for at least a flight and a half.”

• Energy crisis from Iran war worse than 1973, ​1979 and 2022 crises combined: International Energy Agency
• Europe weeks away from jet-fuel shortage, airport group says

Our website is the place for the latest breaking news, exclusive scoops, longreads and provocative commentary. Please bookmark nationalpost.com and sign up for our daily newsletter, Posted, here.

The European Union’s long-awaited Entry/Exit System (EES) has now come into full effect across 29 countries.

The system began a phased rollout in October 2025 and, as of April 10, is fully operational.

The EES applies to non-EU nationals (including Canadians) who are travelling for short stays of up to 90 days within any 180-day period in one or more countries in the Schengen Area.

The Schengen Area is a border-free zone in Europe that allows free movement among EU member states (with the exception of Ireland and Cyprus) as well as Iceland, Liechtenstein, Norway and Switzerland.

The Schengen Area doesn’t include the U.K., which has its own system called the Electronic Travel Authorization (ETA).

The EES replaces the manual stamping of passports at border crossings. Instead, biometric data, such as fingerprints and facial images, will be collected at the point of entry and stored for three years.

Borders are likely to have self-service kiosks where passengers can submit this information before proceeding to a border officer, who may ask additional questions about accommodation and return tickets, for example.

The system is free to use, and travellers are not required to pre-register.

On future trips to the Schengen Area, visitors will not be required to resubmit their biometrics. Instead, passport control officers will verify previously recorded fingerprints and photos.

Children under 12 do not need to provide their fingerprints, but must still have their faces scanned.

The European Union says the new system makes it easier to identify those who overstay or are using fake passports, as well as shortening wait times by replacing time-consuming manual checks.

However, some travellers have experienced long waits at the border as a result of the EES rollout.

Thousands have been denied entry to the Schengen Area for reasons including expired or fraudulent documents, and almost 700 individuals have been identified as “a security threat” since the phasing-in of the new system, according to the European Commission .

Meanwhile, the Airports Council International (ACI), which represents more than 600 airports, reported that border control processing times increased by up to 70 per cent at airports where EES checks were already in place.

It also said wait times have reached as long as three hours during peak periods.

Previously, border control authorities were able to suspend the EES process during peak travel times, but as of today, this will no longer be permitted.

This means travellers should plan for longer wait times at European airports in the coming months as the system beds in.

The EES comes into effect amid the news that Europe is weeks away from a jet fuel shortage , as a result of the conflict in Iran , which would trigger further disruptions to airports and airlines.

Meanwhile, Europe is not the only region that collects biometric data from visitors.

Similar systems are also in place in the U.S., Australia, Singapore, Japan and even in Canada, where fingerprints and facial photos are collected for visitors who apply for temporary residence, permanent residence, refugee or asylum status, or to extend a stay in Canada — unless from a visa-exempt country.

• What is biometric data and what countries require travellers to give it?
• Here's the best time to book a flight as rising fuel costs push Canadian airfares higher

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MONTREAL — The Liberal party is calling itself a “big tent” party, but progressives say they would like to see their values upheld.

“It was a very important moment in time, in 2015 when Justin Trudeau said that this party is a pro-choice party, and people who run for us must be pro-choice, or at the very least be committed to upholding those values,” said Liberal MP Karina Gould.

“And I heard the prime minister say that he believes that as well, and so I’m going to hold him to that, and I’m going to hold anybody who joins our party to that as well,” she added.

More than 4,500 Liberals have gathered in Montreal for their national convention this weekend.

Prime Minister Mark Carney made his rounds on the convention’s fifth floor on Friday, shaking hands and talking to party members.

Carney’s “big tent” now includes social conservative Marilyn Gladu, who announced her decision to join the Liberals on Wednesday. During her decade as a Conservative MP representing the Ontario riding of Sarnia—Lambton–Bkejwanong, Gladu was one of the Liberals’ fiercest critics both publicly and within her own caucus.

She also called for a renewed debate on abortion and opposed a sweeping Liberal ban on conversion therapy.

Carney said Gladu will vote with the Liberal government on issues concerning a woman’s right to choose, same-sex marriage and conversion therapy.

“To be very honest with you, I was surprised, like many of my colleagues,” said Liberal MP Steven Guilbeault, on Gladu’s addition to the caucus.

“The Liberal Party is obviously bigger than one person,” he added. “We’re not changing the Liberal party; we’re not changing our values.”

A notable fighter against climate change, Guilbeault quit Carney’s cabinet in November after the government signed an energy deal with Alberta. The agreement paves the way for a potential pipeline to the West Coast, although the final details of that agreement ran past the initial April 1 deadline.

The Quebec MP said he recalls Gladu “scream at me on a number of occasions on things like climate change.”

“She’s now joining the party who believes that climate is an issue, and who is still putting in place measures to fight climate change,” he said.

Former British Columbia Premier Christy Clark said she ran a coalition party and found that she often got a better outcome with more voices at the table.

“I think there are more risks to having an ideological, narrow focus party where everybody always has to toe the line,” she said. “It’s healthier to have a broad array of voices inside a caucus where a leader is forced to compromise sometimes, and those voices are the voices of their constituents.”

When asked if she would consider running federally, she said “you never know.”

Three byelections are set to take place on Monday. Two Toronto byelections in the ridings of Scarborough Southwest and University—Rosedale, which were previously held by Bill Blair and Chrystia Freeland, are heavily favoured towards the Liberals.

The third byelection will be held in Terrebonne, Que., where the Liberals won by one vote against the Bloc Québécois, before the results were nullified by the Supreme Court of Canada.

Laura D’Angelo, national strategy and public affairs vice-president at Enterprise Canada and former adviser to Trudeau, said the majority Carney will likely get on Monday is a slim one, which will still pose challenges.

“A slim majority is really hard,” she said. “It’s actually not that different than a minority situation, except instead of negotiating with a House leader in the House of Commons, you’re negotiating with your individual caucus members, and that can be much more challenging.”

But speculation about more floor crossers from the Conservative party persists at the convention.

Recent floor-crosser Chris d’Entremont said there are number of his former colleagues that are unhappy with the direction of the Conservative party.

One Liberal source speaking on background said they wouldn’t be surprised if there is another defection to the Liberals announced before the end of the weekend.

Foreign Affairs Minister Anita Anand took the convention stage on Friday and said her party is inclusive and “everyone has a place in this large tent.”

Joining her onstage was Liberal MP Matt Jeneroux, who crossed the floor from the Conservatives in February.

He said he has not looked back since joining the Liberals, noting he has “slept well every night.”

National Post

• Gladu says her floor-crossing is the ‘best thing for my riding, for the country and for myself’
• Gladu backed petition this year for automatic byelections when MPs cross the floor

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A Nigerian man convicted of breaching a no-contact order with his former partner has convinced a New Brunswick judge to grant him a conditional discharge to avoid deportation.

Adebowale Adekoya, 33, appealed his sentence of 12 months of probation to the Court of King’s Bench.

“After considering the collateral immigration consequences of the conviction imposed by the trial judge, and the nature of the offense, I conclude that a conditional discharge would be in Mr. Adekoya’s best interest and would not be contrary to the public interest,” Justice Mario J. Lanteigne wrote in a recent decision.

Police charged Adekoya on Jan. 8, 2025 with assaulting his former partner.

“Consequent to this, Mr. Adekoya was placed on a Release Order with a condition to have no contact with Ms. Shavontae Myers,” Lanteigne said in his March 26 decision.

Ten days after he was charged with assault, police charged Adekoya with disobeying that court order and obstructing justice.

“Shortly after having agreed to the conditions of the Release Order, Mr. Adekoya arrived at Ms. Myers residence and told her that he wanted to retrieve his personal items,” said the decision.

The lease was still under his name, and the lock hadn’t been changed.

Adekoya stayed at her home for a week, during which the court heard he “drank and attempted repeatedly to convince Ms. Myers to drop all the charges.”

During that time, she worked remotely “while attempting to prevent an escalation of the situation,” said the decision.

One of her family members eventually informed police he was staying at her place.

After police arrested him for breaking the no-contact order, Adekoya was jailed between Jan. 23, 2025 and June 23, 2025.

While he was in custody, the assault charge against Adekoya was dismissed and the obstruction charge was withdrawn.

Last July, the trial judge sentenced him to a year of probation.

“I think that’s a very – very harsh sentencing,” Adekoya said at the time. “Considering it’s the first time I’m in contact with the system.”

He asked the trial judge for a conditional discharge. “You ruined my life for real,” Adekoya said.

The trial judge refused. “Under the circumstances I don’t think it would be in the public interest to grant a discharge for the domestic violence matter.”

The Canada Border Services Agency subsequently ordered Adekoya’s deportation.

“The Deportation Order now states that he is no longer admissible to remain in Canada consequent to the conviction against him,” Lanteigne said.

Adekoya studied at New Brunswick Community College and obtained a post-graduation work permit in 2024.

“He made new friends and found stable employment as a junior business analyst with a local company,” Lanteigne said. “Mr. Adekoya has no family in Nigeria and left his country because of the lack of employment.”

A criminal conviction “would have significant adverse repercussions for Mr. Adekoya,” his lawyer said.

“If Mr. Adekoya is deported, he will be returning to a country where he has not resided since his 20s, where he has no family nor friends. This will, according to his counsel, undermine all the years he invested in developing roots in Canada. Being deported would also most likely prevent Mr. Adekoya from visiting his mother and brother in the State of New York. Finally, the Nigerian economy would not be able to offer Mr. Adekoya with an equivalent salary and employment that the Canadian economy can offer.”

The Crown argued a conditional discharge “would be excessively lenient.”

Instead, the Crown recommended Adekoya be sentenced to 30 days in custody, which should be “considered served.”

The trial judge was misinformed by Adekoya’s lawyer that his client held both Canadian and U.S. passports, said the decision.

“The mere fact that the trial judge was misinformed and misled is sufficient to conclude that this Court must consider the collateral immigration consequences as a relevant factor to account for in determining what is the appropriate sentence,” Lanteigne said.

Adekoya is a first-time offender, said the judge. “He states having completed a bachelor’s degree in political science in Nigeria from the University of Lagos in 2015 and a master’s degree in international business management in 2020 in Germany at the University of Bonn-Rhein-Sieg. After which he continued his studies at the New Brunswick Community College where he obtained a diploma in IT Business Analysis in June 2024.”

Adekoya spent 158 days in custody, Lanteigne said.

“I believe that Mr. Adekoya has been sufficiently deterred and that a conviction is not necessary to meet the objective of deterrence and rehabilitation,” said the judge.

“One of the most adverse collateral consequences of the sentence imposed on Mr. Adekoya is the imminent risk of deportation. This constitutes a significant adverse repercussion on Mr. Adekoya. As a collateral consequence of the sentence imposed, Mr. Adekoya is likely to be deported to Nigeria and experience significant social and economic hardship.”

The judge pointed out Adekoya had obtained a diploma and employment in New Brunswick. “These personal achievements will all be jeopardized if he is to be subject to these significant adverse repercussions.”

It’s in the public interest that “someone like Mr. Adekoya be able to pursue his goals in this country where he has chosen to contribute socially and economically,” Lanteigne said.

“Mr. Adekoya has spent many years pursuing post-secondary education and wishes to find employment in his field of expertise. This can only be a benefit to society.”

• Indian man avoids ‘immigration consequences’ after spying on women using bathroom at his Ontario home
• No parallel justice system for immigrants, says Quebec judge in criminal harassment case

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It is not, to be clear, a cure for cancer. But a wide-ranging study  has made a link between marriage and the disease. The bottom line: People who have never been married show a higher risk of cancer than those who are or have ever been married.

Researchers at the  Sylvester Comprehensive Cancer Center at the University of Miami Miller School of Medicine  looked at cancer diagnoses in more than four million adults across 12 U.S. states, representing a population of over 100 million. They focused on cancers diagnosed after the age of 30 between 2015 and 2022.

They simplified a wealth of marital statuses into two broad groups: Ever been married and never been married. The “ever” camp included currently married, divorced and widowed individuals, as well as same-sex couples. The “never” group included those who lived with a partner but were not legally married. Roughly one fifth of the group fell into the never-married cohort.

Among never-married men, cancer rates were found to be 68 per cent higher than those who have ever been married. For women, the difference was even greater, with an increase of 83 per cent in those who have never been married.

Breaking the numbers down by age showed that older married adults were more likely to benefit from this trend, “ suggesting that differences associated with marital status may accumulate over the life course,” the researchers wrote.

“In contrast, smaller (incidence rates) among adults ages 30 to 54 years likely reflect selection processes, whereby individuals with more favourable baseline health, behaviours, or resources are more likely to marry,” they added.

There were racial differences as well. Never-married Black men had the highest incidence of cancer among all groups. However, among ever-married men, Black men had even lower rates than White men.

Not every type of cancer showed the same difference. Researchers looked at incidents of anal cancer in men and cervical cancer in women, two types closely linked to infection with the sexually transmitted   human papillomavirus or HPV.

They found that never-married men had more than five times the rate compared with ever-married men. Never‑married women had almost three times the rate compared with ever-married women.

Reasons for the disparity in the different groups is probably a mix of society and biology. On the former front, being married may increase the chance of being reminded by a spouse to attend medical appointments, or could result in more stable healthcare and insurance.

Meanwhile, a higher rate of endometrial and ovarian cancers in never‑married women could be the result of  lower rates of childbearing in that group. Pregnancy and childbirth alter hormone exposure in ways that can reduce risk, as other research   has shown .

“Marital status is often treated as a background demographic variable,” the researchers noted. “Yet, our findings suggest that it may function as a social exposure that captures dimensions of cancer risk not fully explained by race, age, or socioeconomic status.”

They added: “It may serve both as a marker of cumulative social advantage and as a multifactorial exposure encompassing behavioural, psychosocial, and healthcare-related factors, such as sexual behaviour, parity, tobacco and alcohol use, diet, and engagement with preventive care.”

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